Résumé : The slides were taken on collecting trips sponsored by the William L. Bryant Foundation, where books, music and art indigenous to the regions were gathered. The are organized by geographical location.
The photographer does not let us know where this picture was taken. It was simply labeled "Northern Coast of Cuba" Visible in the picture is a large body of water, a small village on the other side and the mountains in the background.
Cuba -- Caribbean region

Droits : All rights to images are held by the respective holding institution. This image is posted publicly for non-profit educational uses, excluding printed publication. For permission to reproduce images and/or for copyright information contact Special Collections & University Archives, University of Central Florida Libraries, Orlando, FL 32816 phone (407) 823-2576, email: speccoll@mail.ucf.edu
CFM1972_01a
Sheet 27: 12
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/CA01200431/00001

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson James Madison University Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada ) James Madison University ( Harrisonburg, VA )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD Instituto Oswaldo Cruz, Ministério da Saúde
Résumé : International audience
Leishmania are protozoan parasites that show remarkable diversity, as revealed by the various clinical forms of leishmaniasis, which can range from mild skin lesions to severe metastatic cutaneous/mucosal lesions. The exact nature and extent of Leishmania phenotypic diversity in establishing infection is not fully understood. In order to try to understand some aspects of this diversity, we subcutaneously infected BALB/c mice with first and second generation subclones of a L. amazonensis strain isolated from a patient (BA125) and examined in vivo lesion growth rate and antimony susceptibility. In vivo fast-, medium- and slow-growing subclones were obtained; moreover, fast-growing subclones could generate slow-growing subclones and inversely, revealing the continuous generation of diversity after passage into mice. No antimony-resistant subclone appeared, probably a rare occurrence. By tagging subclone cells with a L. amazonensis genomic cosmid library, we found that only a very small number of founding cells could produce lesions. Leishmania clones transfected with in vivo selected individual cosmids were also diverse in terms of lesion growth rate, revealing the cosmid-independent intrinsic characteristics of each clone. Our results suggest that only a few of the infecting parasites are able to grow and produce lesions; later, within the cell mixture of each lesion, there coexist several parasite populations with different potentialities to grow lesions during the next infection round. This may reflect a sort of programmed heterogeneity of individual parasites, favoring the survival of some individuals in various environmental conditions.
ISSN: 0074-0276

hal-01489008
https://hal-univ-perp.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01489008

Résumé : When Henry B. Plant brought the railroad to Tampa in 1884, he opened the door for many businesses to locate and flourish here. The railroad was at the center of the city's economy. From downtown it went to Port Tampa where one could board a Plant steamship to Jamaica, Cuba, New Orleans, Bermuda or other destinations. A spur of the rail line brought the train up to the west front of the hotel so guests could depart the train and walk directly into the lobby. The Tampa Bay Hotel cost approximately 2.5 million dollars to build and $500,000 to furnish. Consisting of 511 rooms, some of which were suites of 3-7 rooms, it provided a degree of luxury never before seen in Tampa. Most of the rooms had their own baths and all had electricity and telephones. In addition, guests were surrounded by a varied collection of furniture, porcelains, Venetian-style mirrors, and sculptures gathered by Mr. and Mrs. Plant in their travels in Europe. The Tampa Bay Hotel opened in 1891 amid wide fanfare and celebration. Henry Plant's dream was now a reality. The newspapers of the day described it as "brightly illuminated, filled with sumptuous decorations, thrilling music and graced with turrets, domes and minarets towering heavenward and glistening in the sun." It was a Victorian palace. The hotel was a lively place with balls, tea parties, and organized hunts during the winter social season. It was open seasonally from December to April in the 1890's. Once a guest arrived at the hotel, he needed to be entertained. Guests went wild game hunting as well as fresh and salt-water fishing. Water sports were also included like sailing, rowing, and canoeing. For the less adventuresome, there were bicycles, carriages, and rickshaws to ride you around the property. The hotel also offered golf, tennis, shuffleboard, billiards, and even a racetrack.
(Funding) Funded in part by the Institute for Museum and Library Services (IMLS), Ephemeral Cities Project.
Tampa |z 1271000 |2 ceeus
Hillsborough County |z 12057 |2 ceeus
United States of America -- Florida -- Hillsborough County -- Tampa

Droits : All rights reserved. 2005.
D29-014

Résumé : (Donation) This report was donated by Gaiutra Bahadur who came across it in when doing research for her soon to be published book "Coolie Woman" "Coolie Woman" is scheduled to be published in 2012 by The University of Chicago Press in the US and Hurst & Co. in the UK. An excerpt from the book first appeared in the Spring 2011 issue of the U.S. literary magazine The Virginia Quarterly Review (http://www.vqronline.org/articles/2011/spring/bahadur-coolie/) and was then reprinted in India in the Sept. 2011 issue of The Caravan magazine. The whole excerpt is up at the Caravan's Web site: http://www.caravanmagazine.in/Story/1058/Her-Middle-Passage.html
(Internal Comments) Notes from the Report Arrived October 31, 1898 Dr. Arthur Harrison, SS G.H. Rock, Captain 673 landed 436 men // 438 embarked 191 women // 192 embarked 19 boys 19 girls 8 infants 9 births 4 deaths, one a baby born on board 54 marriages 37 served before in BG, 21 in other colonies * measles epidemic early in voyage until they crossed the Equator, 38 days in, almost daily there were heavy squalls with rain; misery of seasickness, vessel pitching and rolling heavily * got to sea July 14 - the very worst month of the whole year, having to face the full force of the southwest monsoon, Sujaria's would have been the same timing the coal of inferior quality and ran short, meaning water and cooked meals less for immigrants surgeon's journal: july 28: no 167 baijooporai, m, 20, was reported missing at 3 p.m. [cause of death in death list "lost over board" no. 178 lachman states that on 25th instant at sunset baijoo was in his berth suffering from seasickness; later on he saw him take his blanket, get up and go away... lachman states baijoo was a very quiet well-behaved man, shewing no signs of mental aberration, but was very seasick. no further information could be obtained regarding his disappearance. from the emigrants or crew. ... september 25: "No 696, Nobibux, m., 20 years, and No 351 Mohangu, m, 22 years, were caught about midnight by a sirdar named Rambocus committing sodomy. When brought up before the Captain and myself they both confessed their guilt. Nobibux stated that for the last ten years he had allowed men to commit acts of beastliness: he had no doubt induced Mohangu to do this criminal act. Nobibux was put in irons and Mohangu, after blistering his penis, was made to holystone [scrub the decks] from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. daily." [latitude 35.17 s. and longitude 22.10 e.] [nobibux handcuffed every night from sept 25 to landing on oct 31, as was a man who had jumped overboard and was rescued] criminal charges brought against two immigrants; in CO marginalia, discussion over the legality of the punishment and doubt expressed over whether there was any sodomy committed at all; indication there wasn't enough proof to prosecute: "the men should have been put in confinement and tried in British Guiana for an offense committed on the high seas on board a British vessel..."; fine the surgeon but should he be barred from re-employment? inspector general of police investigated; attorney general decided not to prosecute; IAG criticizes SS for punishing the two without fully and carefully enquiring into the case. violated Rule 165 relating to colonial emigration, which strictly prohibits harsh treatment of the people The contract with the surgeon superintendant enclosed shows that each was granted a pint of wine per day and stout. This surgeon was given 20 shillings per immigrant landed alive. for immigrants classified as invalids on embarking, if they died during voyage, he received a pro-rated amount, based on how long they lived; wife not allowed to go along. Arthur Harrison, SS, states on November 4, 1898: [on 25th Sept, when near the Cape of Good Hope, his compounder Abdul Wahed reported to him at 8 a.m. that he heard two men had committed sodomy during the night. he told the compounder to take the men to the hospital, where he would question them.] [witness, the sirdar Rambuccus, brought in with the two men. questioned in front of them, he said that he was on watch in between decks at midnight and "saw something unusual between these two men, they being under one blanket; he pulled off the blanket and saw them committing sodomy." he called the head sirdar at once. the prisoners denied it to the head sirdar but then later confessed. they were left in the charge of the hear sirdar for the rest of the night. captain also present at inquiry. while Rambuccus was giving this testimony, neither prisoner said anything.] [the head sirdar Salikram is then questioned. confirms being called as above. says he separated the men and "asked them why they were doing this wrong thing, that they at first denied it and afterwards they confessed they did it for pleasure."] [when questioned by SS, men at once confessed. Nabibux: "I have done it." Mohungu said same, "as far as I can remember. I cannot remember the words they used in confessing." Nabibux placed in irons fastened to a stanchion in the hospital. Mohangu placed in hospital and ordered to holystone from 6 a.m to 6 p.m. "I blistered the penis of Mohungu. I did so as a punishment as I thought he deserved it." did this right after enquiry concluded. the captain knew Harrison did this. "Mohungu was the man who committed the act on Nabibuccus. I blistered him as a preventitive, as he might have attempted the act again. I have known cases where the penis has been blistered as a preventitive treatment, in case of masturbation with boys."] [says he didn't see it as a crime committed against the laws of England, but "as a matter of discipline on board ship"; didn't examine their private parts for evidence] "Since this all occurred, it has come to my knowlegde that the head sirdar had threatend the two men to make them confess. Since I heard this, I have questioned them. Both denied the act and said Salikram had threatened to make them confess. My compounder's name is Abdul Wahed. I have heard from him since that the man Rambuccus who caught them had a spite against one of the men, owing to something that had occurred in the country Depot in India." ABDUL WAHED, THE CHIEF COMPOUNDER, STATES: [the inquiry occurred at about 8:30 p.m. on the 25th Sept.] "I heard Mohungu say he had put his penis in Nabibux' anus, and some days afterwards both men said to me that Rambux and Salikram had threatened to beat them throughout the voyage if they did not confess to having committed the sodomy." "Nabibux told me that he and Rambux had had a row in the Fizabad depot and he told me that Rambux had a spite against him." [the prisoners were under his charge in the hospital] [doesn't know what the depot quarrel was about. didn't ask. never noticed any ill feeling between Rambux and any of the men before this happened. never noticed Mohangu and Nabibux to be much in each other's company] RAMBUCCUS [an Ahir. says he knew Nabibuccus for a month in the Fyzabad depot, where he was a sirdar] "The men were under a platform sleeping. There were other coolies sleeping there too. The men were sleeping in their usual place... I noticed two men under one blanket. I have orders not to allow this, so I hauled the blanket off. Mohangu was on top of Nabibux who was lying on his back. Mahangu was lying on his stomach. I asked them what they were doing. They gave no reply. Mahangu came off. I did not see his private parts. His baba was loose. I did not notice the state of Nabibux' baba. He had it on, but I don't know whether the crupper of the baba was undone or not. I did not see his private parts. I did not see his anus. I did not see Mahungu's penis in Nabibux' anus, but from their position I suspected that they were committing sodomy... These two men always slept together during the voyage." SALIKRAM "They said Rambux hauled the blanket and shook them up while they were asleep. Rambuccus said they were committing sodomy but I don't think they were. They appeared to me just as if they had just been awakened. Their eyes seemed heavy with sleep." "I never knew either of these men before I met them onboard. Myself and Rambuccus do not agree. I never noticed Rambuccus and either of the two men have any quarrel. I never noticed Nabibux and Monungu keeping much company. I don't know whether these men were in the habit of sleeping alongside of one another. I never threatened these men to make them confess. I never heard the men confess they had done it. They did not confess before me." IN THE END: 50 pounds deducted from Harrison's gratuity for inflicting corporal punishment

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Résumé : When Henry B. Plant brought the railroad to Tampa in 1884, he opened the door for many businesses to locate and flourish here. The railroad was at the center of the city's economy. From downtown it went to Port Tampa where one could board a Plant steamship to Jamaica, Cuba, New Orleans, Bermuda or other destinations. A spur of the rail line brought the train up to the west front of the hotel so guests could depart the train and walk directly into the lobby. The Tampa Bay Hotel cost approximately 2.5 million dollars to build and $500,000 to furnish. Consisting of 511 rooms, some of which were suites of 3-7 rooms, it provided a degree of luxury never before seen in Tampa. Most of the rooms had their own baths and all had electricity and telephones. In addition, guests were surrounded by a varied collection of furniture, porcelains, Venetian-style mirrors, and sculptures gathered by Mr. and Mrs. Plant in their travels in Europe. The Tampa Bay Hotel opened in 1891 amid wide fanfare and celebration. Henry Plant's dream was now a reality. The newspapers of the day described it as "brightly illuminated, filled with sumptuous decorations, thrilling music and graced with turrets, domes and minarets towering heavenward and glistening in the sun." It was a Victorian palace. The hotel was a lively place with balls, tea parties, and organized hunts during the winter social season. It was open seasonally from December to April in the 1890's. Once a guest arrived at the hotel, he needed to be entertained. Guests went wild game hunting as well as fresh and salt-water fishing. Water sports were also included like sailing, rowing, and canoeing. For the less adventuresome, there were bicycles, carriages, and rickshaws to ride you around the property. The hotel also offered golf, tennis, shuffleboard, billiards, and even a racetrack.
(Funding) Funded in part by the Institute for Museum and Library Services (IMLS), Ephemeral Cities Project.
Tampa |z 1271000 |2 ceeus
Hillsborough County |z 12057 |2 ceeus
United States of America -- Florida -- Hillsborough County -- Tampa

Droits : All rights reserved. 2005.
D29-0015

Résumé : When Henry B. Plant brought the railroad to Tampa in 1884, he opened the door for many businesses to locate and flourish here. The railroad was at the center of the city's economy. From downtown it went to Port Tampa where one could board a Plant steamship to Jamaica, Cuba, New Orleans, Bermuda or other destinations. A spur of the rail line brought the train up to the west front of the hotel so guests could depart the train and walk directly into the lobby. The Tampa Bay Hotel cost approximately 2.5 million dollars to build and $500,000 to furnish. Consisting of 511 rooms, some of which were suites of 3-7 rooms, it provided a degree of luxury never before seen in Tampa. Most of the rooms had their own baths and all had electricity and telephones. In addition, guests were surrounded by a varied collection of furniture, porcelains, Venetian-style mirrors, and sculptures gathered by Mr. and Mrs. Plant in their travels in Europe. The Tampa Bay Hotel opened in 1891 amid wide fanfare and celebration. Henry Plant's dream was now a reality. The newspapers of the day described it as "brightly illuminated, filled with sumptuous decorations, thrilling music and graced with turrets, domes and minarets towering heavenward and glistening in the sun." It was a Victorian palace. The hotel was a lively place with balls, tea parties, and organized hunts during the winter social season. It was open seasonally from December to April in the 1890's. Once a guest arrived at the hotel, he needed to be entertained. Guests went wild game hunting as well as fresh and salt-water fishing. Water sports were also included like sailing, rowing, and canoeing. For the less adventuresome, there were bicycles, carriages, and rickshaws to ride you around the property. The hotel also offered golf, tennis, shuffleboard, billiards, and even a racetrack.
(Funding) Funded in part by the Institute for Museum and Library Services (IMLS), Ephemeral Cities Project.
Tampa |z 1271000 |2 ceeus
Hillsborough County |z 12057 |2 ceeus
United States of America -- Florida -- Hillsborough County -- Tampa

Droits : All rights reserved. 2005.

Description : A partir de considérations sur la coiffure à rajouts et les dreadlocks, Gerry L'Etang interroge les causes politiques et économiques de la distanciation d'avec l'Etat que constitue à la Martinique le fait de nommer "Chivé-léta" un élément étranger à soi (rajouts), puis analyse les fondements symboliques, affichés et occultés, du "Chivé-rasta". Par-delà les oppositions entre ces coiffures, le projet ici est de mettre au jour des croisements de civilisations suscités respectivement par deux mondialisations : la globalisation économique et la créolisation.

Droits : Ce document est protégé par le droit d'auteur. Il ne peut en aucun cas être utilisé sans l'autorisation de l'auteur et des ayant droits
Permalien : http://www.manioc.org/recherch/HASH5b82da62b6480303b4deb7
HASH5b82da62b6480303b4deb7

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Résumé : When Henry B. Plant brought the railroad to Tampa in 1884, he opened the door for many businesses to locate and flourish here. The railroad was at the center of the city's economy. From downtown it went to Port Tampa where one could board a Plant steamship to Jamaica, Cuba, New Orleans, Bermuda or other destinations. A spur of the rail line brought the train up to the west front of the hotel so guests could depart the train and walk directly into the lobby. The Tampa Bay Hotel cost approximately 2.5 million dollars to build and $500,000 to furnish. Consisting of 511 rooms, some of which were suites of 3-7 rooms, it provided a degree of luxury never before seen in Tampa. Most of the rooms had their own baths and all had electricity and telephones. In addition, guests were surrounded by a varied collection of furniture, porcelains, Venetian-style mirrors, and sculptures gathered by Mr. and Mrs. Plant in their travels in Europe. The Tampa Bay Hotel opened in 1891 amid wide fanfare and celebration. Henry Plant's dream was now a reality. The newspapers of the day described it as "brightly illuminated, filled with sumptuous decorations, thrilling music and graced with turrets, domes and minarets towering heavenward and glistening in the sun." It was a Victorian palace. The hotel was a lively place with balls, tea parties, and organized hunts during the winter social season. It was open seasonally from December to April in the 1890's. Once a guest arrived at the hotel, he needed to be entertained. Guests went wild game hunting as well as fresh and salt-water fishing. Water sports were also included like sailing, rowing, and canoeing. For the less adventuresome, there were bicycles, carriages, and rickshaws to ride you around the property. The hotel also offered golf, tennis, shuffleboard, billiards, and even a racetrack.
(Funding) Funded in part by the Institute for Museum and Library Services (IMLS), Ephemeral Cities Project.
Tampa |z 1271000 |2 ceeus
Hillsborough County |z 12057 |2 ceeus
United States of America -- Florida -- Hillsborough County -- Tampa

Droits : All rights reserved. 2005.

Éditeur(s) : University of West Indies, Barbados Université des Antilles. Service commun de la documentation
Extrait de : 52e congrès annuel de la Société caribéenne des plantes alimentaires / 52nd annual meeting of the Caribbean food crops society (CFCS), du 10 au 16 juillet 2016. INRA, CFCS
Description : A germination bioassay was developed to screen for potential phytotoxicity of soil amendment products from organic waste recycling. In phase 1 of the study, nine soil amendment products were applied as mulches on 3- to 5-week-old tomato seedlings (Solanum lycopersicum L.HA3019?) planted in 4L pots. Plant growth was reduced by the less mature mulch materials. Using lettuce (Lactuca sativa L.New Red Fire?) as the test species, a laboratory germination test was developed in phase 2 with aqueous extracts from a non-phytotoxic (safe) and a phytotoxic product identified in phase 1. Extracts were obtained by soaking 10g of air-dried product in 90 mL distilled water for 24h at 25°C. Diluted extracts (0, 25, 50, 75 and 100%) were applied to lettuce seeds sown on filter paper in petri-dishes and germination was monitored for 5 days, confirming the results from phase 1. In phase 3, the bioassay developed in phase 2 was used to test three previously untested local products and one imported product. Two of the local products were comparable to the imported product. Results obtained in phase 3 were confirmed using the mulch test as described in phase 1. Hence, the germination bioassay can be a useful tool for quality control in the production of(safe) soil amendment products from organic waste recycling.
Siècle(s) traité(s) : 21
Droits : CC-BY-NC-ND - Attribution - Pas d'utilisation commerciale - Pas de modification
Permalien : http://www.manioc.org/fichiers/V16302
V16302

Résumé : Label 7439 / 4 plates
Around the turn of the 20th century, cigars were advertised and sold mainly by the colourful, intricate labels that adorned the boxes. Intense competition encouraged manufacturers to see who could create the most beautiful, eye-catching labels. A diffrent stone was required to print each colour. It was not unusual for as many as 20 stones to be used to create a single label. The register for each printing had to be perfect. The process became known as STONE LITHOGRAPHY or CHROMOLITHOGRAPHY. Once this exacting printing process was completed, the labels were then gilded with hand-applied gold leaf. Finally, the labels were embossed using huge 30-ton presses. According to Joe Davidson, the eminent American art dealer and collector, the "Golden Era" of cigar labels is associated with the introduction of gilding and embossing in the 1890's up to the late 1920's when the less attractive full-colour or photo-mechanical labels began to appear. Genuine gold leaf was used primarily by German and Cuban printers and "bronzing" in which bronze powder was mixed with lacquer or sizing, applied like ink, then burnished with brushes or polished rollers to make them gleam like gold. These particular labels were produced by the German factory, Gerhard Meinesz in Bentheim, near the Dutch border, and closed in 1932. The labels were used during the 1920's. These spectacular lithographs lithographs wound up lying unused and undiscovered for generations. Because they were printed on special long-fibre, acid-free rage paper, these old labels retained their original brilliant colours. Consequently, they are available in very limited quantities.
(Funding) Funded in part by the Institute for Museum and Library Services (IMLS), Ephemeral Cities Project.
Tampa |z 1271000 |2 ceeus
Hillsborough County |z 12057 |2 ceeus
United States of America -- Florida -- Hillsborough County -- Tampa

Droits : All rights reserved. 2005.
C24-05394

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD Instituto Oswaldo Cruz, Ministério da Saúde
Résumé : International audience
Leishmania are protozoan parasites that show remarkable diversity, as revealed by the various clinical forms of leishmaniasis, which can range from mild skin lesions to severe metastatic cutaneous/mucosal lesions. The exact nature and extent of Leishmania phenotypic diversity in establishing infection is not fully understood. In order to try to understand some aspects of this diversity, we subcutaneously infected BALB/c mice with first and second generation subclones of a L. amazonensis strain isolated from a patient (BA125) and examined in vivo lesion growth rate and antimony susceptibility. In vivo fast-, medium- and slow-growing subclones were obtained; moreover, fast-growing subclones could generate slow-growing subclones and inversely, revealing the continuous generation of diversity after passage into mice. No antimony-resistant subclone appeared, probably a rare occurrence. By tagging subclone cells with a L. amazonensis genomic cosmid library, we found that only a very small number of founding cells could produce lesions. Leishmania clones transfected with in vivo selected individual cosmids were also diverse in terms of lesion growth rate, revealing the cosmid-independent intrinsic characteristics of each clone. Our results suggest that only a few of the infecting parasites are able to grow and produce lesions; later, within the cell mixture of each lesion, there coexist several parasite populations with different potentialities to grow lesions during the next infection round. This may reflect a sort of programmed heterogeneity of individual parasites, favoring the survival of some individuals in various environmental conditions.
ISSN: 0074-0276

hal-01489009
https://hal-univ-perp.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01489009

Résumé : A partir de considérations sur la coiffure à rajouts et les dreadlocks, Gerry L’Etang interroge les causes politiques et économiques de la distanciation d’avec l’Etat que constitue à la Martinique le fait de nommer "Chivé-léta" un élément étranger à soi (rajouts), puis analyse les fondements symboliques, affichés et occultés, du "Chivé-rasta". Par-delà les oppositions entre ces coiffures, le projet ici est de mettre au jour des croisements de civilisations suscités respectivement par deux mondialisations : la globalisation économique et la créolisation.

Droits : Ce document est protégé par le droit d'auteur. Il ne peut en aucun cas être utilisé sans l'autorisation de l'auteur et des ayant droits
recherch:HASH5b82da62b6480303b4deb7

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Résumé : A partir de considérations sur la coiffure à rajouts et les dreadlocks, Gerry L’Etang interroge les causes politiques et économiques de la distanciation d’avec l’Etat que constitue à la Martinique le fait de nommer "Chivé-léta" un élément étranger à soi (rajouts), puis analyse les fondements symboliques, affichés et occultés, du "Chivé-rasta". Par-delà les oppositions entre ces coiffures, le projet ici est de mettre au jour des croisements de civilisations suscités respectivement par deux mondialisations : la globalisation économique et la créolisation.

Droits : Ce document est protégé par le droit d'auteur. Il ne peut en aucun cas être utilisé sans l'autorisation de l'auteur et des ayant droits
recherch:HASH5b82da62b6480303b4deb7

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD Elsevier
Résumé : International audience
Purpose: Active surveillance is a treatment option for favorable risk prostate cancer. However, data are missing on populations of African descent. We evaluated the safety and benefit of active surveillance in an African Caribbean cohort with favorable risk prostate cancer. Materials and Methods: Between 2005 and 2016, a single center, prospective cohort study was performed in Guadeloupe, French West Indies, including patients on active surveillance who had low risk prostate cancer (prostate specific antigen 10 ng/ml or less and Gleason score 6 or less) or favorable intermediate risk prostate cancer (prostate specific antigen 10 to 20 ng/ml, Gleason score 3 + 4 or less and life expectancy less than 10 years). Treatment was recommended in case of grade progression, increased tumor volume, prostate cancer doubling time less than 36 months or patient wish. Overall survival, disease specific survival and duration of active surveillance were calculated with the KaplanMeier method. Multivariate analysis was performed using the Cox proportional hazards model to identify predictors of active surveillance termination. Results: A total of 234 patients with a median age of 64 years were enrolled in study. Median followup was 4 years (IQR 2.3-5.5). Overall survival at 30 months, 5 years and 10 years was 99.5%, 98.5% and 90.7%, respectively. Disease specific survival at 30 months, and 5 and 10 years was 100%. At 30 months, 5 years and 10 years 72.7%, 52.6% and 40.4% of patients, respectively, remained untreated and on active surveillance. Age (HR 0.96 per additional year, 95% CI 0.93-0.99) and prostate specific antigen density (HR 1.52 per additional 0.1 ng/ml, 95% CI 1.20-1.89) were found to be independent predictors of active surveillance termination. Conclusions: Active surveillance is safe and beneficial for highly selected African Caribbean patients. It seems to be feasible for patients at low risk and intermediate favorable risk. Prostate specific antigen density could help better select these patients.
ISSN: 0022-5347

hal-01519251
https://hal-univ-rennes1.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01519251
DOI : 10.1016/j.juro.2016.12.047
PUBMED : 27993665

Éditeur(s) : Caribbean Development Research Services Inc Caribbean Development Research Services Inc ( Barbados )
Résumé : The actually stated legislative preferences of Guyanese at this time are noteworthy since these speak to the activities that Guyanese wish to prevent. In this regard it is clear that Guyanese desire most to prevent “public sex” of any sort, but are especially concerned about relations between two or three men. Although there is a stated preference for the retention of the buggery law, there is little interest in having the state prevent private sex between adults (of any sex) if that were possible. This peculiarity suggests that Guyanese are perhaps really concerned about public manifestations of sexual orientation, as distinct from private manifestations and appear to believe that the changing of the laws would help to encourage these public manifestations. The juxtaposition of Guyanese support for decriminalisation (of homosexual acts) with their opinion on other major social issues does lend support to the suggestion that Guyanese are less committed to the retention of these laws than they are to issues like corporal punishment which also have a religious justification. This distance is significant, as is the finding in the survey that the position of a political party is not likely to affect its chances at the polls.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AA00016151/00001