Éditeur(s) : Pêche thonière et dispositifs de concentration de poissons, Caribbean-Martinique, 15-19 Oct 1999
Résumé : Hawaii was one of the first locations to adapt the Philippine payao concept for use in high energy, deep-water environments. Initial experimental fad deployments were made by the National Marine Fisheries Service in 1977. In 1980, the State of Hawaii started deploying FADs in a programme that has since expanded to its current status of 52 approved surface fad sites. Funding is primarily derived from federal US programmes and the FADs are primarily focused on the sport fishing community. fad sites were selected to expedite access by sport fishermen; specific sites were chosen after consultation with fishermen at public hearings. Since 1997, the FAD system has been managed on a collaborative basis between the State of Hawaii and the University of Hawaii. Hawaiian FADs evolved through two previous designs before the current system of single-sphere spar-buoy was adopted. Today's FADs have an "inverse catenary" mooring system comprised of sections of floating and sinking rope attached to a "tripod" concrete block anchor system. fad sites range between 3.2 km and 46 km from shore. Mooring depths range between 200 and 3,000 metres. Average on-site longevity is 31 months; there is no correlation between longevity and depth of mooring. Windward locations have significantly shorter lifespans than leeward locations. Ten to twenty fads are replaced each year. Each FAD costs approximately us$ 7,500 to build and deploy. Hawaiian fads are heavily used by private and commercial sport fishermen and by small-scale artisanal and commercial fishermen. Commercial pole-and-line boats occasionally use the FADs to capture skipjack tuna. Hawaiian FADs will continue to be used for various types of pelagic fisheries research.

Droits : Ifremer
http://archimer.ifremer.fr/doc/00042/15280/12666.pdf
http://archimer.ifremer.fr/doc/00042/15280/

Éditeur(s) : Trinidad Guardian Trinidad Guardian
North America -- Trinidad and Tobago -- Caribbean -- Trinidad -- Port of Spain
Caribbean

UF00078611

Résumé : When Henry B. Plant brought the railroad to Tampa in 1884, he opened the door for many businesses to locate and flourish here. The railroad was at the center of the city's economy. From downtown it went to Port Tampa where one could board a Plant steamship to Jamaica, Cuba, New Orleans, Bermuda or other destinations. A spur of the rail line brought the train up to the west front of the hotel so guests could depart the train and walk directly into the lobby. The Tampa Bay Hotel cost approximately 2.5 million dollars to build and $500,000 to furnish. Consisting of 511 rooms, some of which were suites of 3-7 rooms, it provided a degree of luxury never before seen in Tampa. Most of the rooms had their own baths and all had electricity and telephones. In addition, guests were surrounded by a varied collection of furniture, porcelains, Venetian-style mirrors, and sculptures gathered by Mr. and Mrs. Plant in their travels in Europe. The Tampa Bay Hotel opened in 1891 amid wide fanfare and celebration. Henry Plant's dream was now a reality. The newspapers of the day described it as "brightly illuminated, filled with sumptuous decorations, thrilling music and graced with turrets, domes and minarets towering heavenward and glistening in the sun." It was a Victorian palace. The hotel was a lively place with balls, tea parties, and organized hunts during the winter social season. It was open seasonally from December to April in the 1890's. Once a guest arrived at the hotel, he needed to be entertained. Guests went wild game hunting as well as fresh and salt-water fishing. Water sports were also included like sailing, rowing, and canoeing. For the less adventuresome, there were bicycles, carriages, and rickshaws to ride you around the property. The hotel also offered golf, tennis, shuffleboard, billiards, and even a racetrack.
(Funding) Funded in part by the Institute for Museum and Library Services (IMLS), Ephemeral Cities Project.
Tampa |z 1271000 |2 ceeus
Hillsborough County |z 12057 |2 ceeus
United States of America -- Florida -- Hillsborough County -- Tampa

Droits : All rights reserved. 2005.
D29-0015

Résumé : When Henry B. Plant brought the railroad to Tampa in 1884, he opened the door for many businesses to locate and flourish here. The railroad was at the center of the city's economy. From downtown it went to Port Tampa where one could board a Plant steamship to Jamaica, Cuba, New Orleans, Bermuda or other destinations. A spur of the rail line brought the train up to the west front of the hotel so guests could depart the train and walk directly into the lobby. The Tampa Bay Hotel cost approximately 2.5 million dollars to build and $500,000 to furnish. Consisting of 511 rooms, some of which were suites of 3-7 rooms, it provided a degree of luxury never before seen in Tampa. Most of the rooms had their own baths and all had electricity and telephones. In addition, guests were surrounded by a varied collection of furniture, porcelains, Venetian-style mirrors, and sculptures gathered by Mr. and Mrs. Plant in their travels in Europe. The Tampa Bay Hotel opened in 1891 amid wide fanfare and celebration. Henry Plant's dream was now a reality. The newspapers of the day described it as "brightly illuminated, filled with sumptuous decorations, thrilling music and graced with turrets, domes and minarets towering heavenward and glistening in the sun." It was a Victorian palace. The hotel was a lively place with balls, tea parties, and organized hunts during the winter social season. It was open seasonally from December to April in the 1890's. Once a guest arrived at the hotel, he needed to be entertained. Guests went wild game hunting as well as fresh and salt-water fishing. Water sports were also included like sailing, rowing, and canoeing. For the less adventuresome, there were bicycles, carriages, and rickshaws to ride you around the property. The hotel also offered golf, tennis, shuffleboard, billiards, and even a racetrack.
(Funding) Funded in part by the Institute for Museum and Library Services (IMLS), Ephemeral Cities Project.
Tampa |z 1271000 |2 ceeus
Hillsborough County |z 12057 |2 ceeus
United States of America -- Florida -- Hillsborough County -- Tampa

Droits : All rights reserved. 2005.

Résumé : When Henry B. Plant brought the railroad to Tampa in 1884, he opened the door for many businesses to locate and flourish here. The railroad was at the center of the city's economy. From downtown it went to Port Tampa where one could board a Plant steamship to Jamaica, Cuba, New Orleans, Bermuda or other destinations. A spur of the rail line brought the train up to the west front of the hotel so guests could depart the train and walk directly into the lobby. The Tampa Bay Hotel cost approximately 2.5 million dollars to build and $500,000 to furnish. Consisting of 511 rooms, some of which were suites of 3-7 rooms, it provided a degree of luxury never before seen in Tampa. Most of the rooms had their own baths and all had electricity and telephones. In addition, guests were surrounded by a varied collection of furniture, porcelains, Venetian-style mirrors, and sculptures gathered by Mr. and Mrs. Plant in their travels in Europe. The Tampa Bay Hotel opened in 1891 amid wide fanfare and celebration. Henry Plant's dream was now a reality. The newspapers of the day described it as "brightly illuminated, filled with sumptuous decorations, thrilling music and graced with turrets, domes and minarets towering heavenward and glistening in the sun." It was a Victorian palace. The hotel was a lively place with balls, tea parties, and organized hunts during the winter social season. It was open seasonally from December to April in the 1890's. Once a guest arrived at the hotel, he needed to be entertained. Guests went wild game hunting as well as fresh and salt-water fishing. Water sports were also included like sailing, rowing, and canoeing. For the less adventuresome, there were bicycles, carriages, and rickshaws to ride you around the property. The hotel also offered golf, tennis, shuffleboard, billiards, and even a racetrack.
(Funding) Funded in part by the Institute for Museum and Library Services (IMLS), Ephemeral Cities Project.
Tampa |z 1271000 |2 ceeus
Hillsborough County |z 12057 |2 ceeus
United States of America -- Florida -- Hillsborough County -- Tampa

Droits : All rights reserved. 2005.

Éditeur(s) : Trinidad Guardian Trinidad Guardian
North America -- Trinidad and Tobago -- Caribbean -- Trinidad -- Port of Spain
Caribbean

UF00078581

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD Mont-Saint-Aignan : Publications des Universités de Rouen et du Havre
Résumé : International audience
The literature on the history of the Paralympics movement tends to present the British games of Stoke Mandeville as the unique origin of the movement and neurosurgeon, Guttman, as a founder hero. Yet, in France initiatives were carried out outside the British dynamics of sports for physically handicapped. They resulted in a range of sports offers stemming out of a self-organized movement created by and for civilian disabled and war-disabled. This self-organization of physically handicapped people, quickly took on a sporting dimension, distinguishing itself from the organizations doctors working in functional rehabilitation services would propose to their patients in the United Kingdom. The French movement quickly took part into the national sports movement. It got structured with a view to include all disabled people into the sporting sphere, then went further into the process of extension and sportivation within international standards. This study builds on a set of data drawn from various revues from different associations of sports movement for French physically disabled from 1954 to 1972. Interviews with major French leaders have also been inserted. We privileged internal sources to focus on the analysis of self-organization dynamics.
La littérature sur l’histoire du mouvement paralympique tend à faire des Jeux britanniques de Stoke Mandeville l’origine unique du mouvement, et du neurochirurgien Guttmann un héros fondateur. Or en France, des initiatives se structurent en dehors de la dynamique britannique du sport pour handicapés physiques. Elles produisent une offre sportive à partir d’une auto-organisation créée par et pour des mutilés de guerre et invalides civils.Cette auto-organisation d’individus handicapés physiques se démarque rapidement de l’organisation proposée par les médecins dans les services de réadaptation fonctionnelle comme au Royaume-Uni, en s’orientant vers une dimension sportive. En s’appuyant sur des réseaux militaires, civils et politiques, le mouvement français participe rapidement au mouvement sportif national. Il se structure alors à partir d’un objectif d’intégration de tous les publics déficients à la sphère sportive, et porte cette volonté d’ouverture et de sportivisation dans les instances internationales. Cette étude s’appuie sur un corpus de données issues des revues des différentes associations du mouvement sportif pour handicapés physiques français de 1954 à 1972, enrichi d’entretiens avec les principaux dirigeants français. Le privilège accordé aux sources internes correspond au choix de centrer l’analyse sur la dynamique d’auto-organisation.
ISSN: 1999-8589

hal-01681465
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01681465

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD
Résumé : Since its apparition at the end of the second world word, the practice of sport for people suffering with motor deficiency has known numerous and quick evolutions. Initially conceived in the science of rehabilitation therapy, it now integrates more and more the principle of performance by getting closer to “ordinary” sport movements. However, this process of sportivisation is variable depending on the social and cultural context in which it is taking place. Initiated at the start of the 1970’s, Guadeloupe’s Movement for Sport for People with motor impairments has been meeting recurring difficulties in how to organise and federate itself. During this work, we have conducted a survey directly with the local disabled sport associations. Meetings with the principal actors of this movement had been taking place, archives had been gathered and both direct and participative observations had been carried out in order to retrace the collective history and to identify the individual theories utilised in the formation of Guadeloupe’s Movement for Sport for Disabled People. For this we have used the tools of the socio-history and of the organizational analysis and handled the speeches with an analyse of the relationship by opposition (ARO). The main results bring to light that the associative dynamics which structure the sport practices of Guadeloupe’s disabled people are impregnated by a sport logic combined with social, cultural and identity stakes. Therefore the principal thesis defended in the process of the research is that the organisation of Guadeloupe’s Movement for Sport for Disabled People is impregnated by the highly contextual strategies where the identities -sport, Caribbean, disabled- produces some very particular adjustments.
Depuis son apparition à la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, la pratique sportive des personnes atteintes de déficiences motrices a connu de nombreuses et rapides évolutions. Conçue initialement dans une logique rééducative, elle intègre de plus en plus le principe de performance en se rapprochant du mouvement sportif « ordinaire ». Toutefois, ce processus de sportivisation est variable selon l’espace social et culturel dans lequel il se réalise. Initié dans les années 1970, le mouvement handisportif guadeloupéen rencontre des difficultés récurrentes à s’organiser et à se fédérer. Au cours de ce travail, nous avons réalisé une enquête de terrain auprès des associations handisportives locales. Des entretiens avec les acteurs principaux de ce mouvement ont été conduits, des archives recueillies et des observations directes et participantes effectuées afin de retracer l’histoire collective et de repérer les logiques individuelles mobilisées dans la structuration du mouvement handisport en Guadeloupe. Pour cela nous avons utilisé des outils de la socio-histoire et de l’analyse organisationnelle et traité les discours au travers d’une analyse des relations par opposition (ARO). Les principaux résultats mettent en évidence que les dynamiques associatives structurant la pratique sportive des personnes handicapées motrices en Guadeloupe sont imprégnées par une logique sportive doublée d’enjeux sociaux, culturels et identitaires. Ainsi, la thèse principale défendue au terme de cette recherche est que l’organisation du mouvement handisport en Guadeloupe est marquée par des stratégies fortement contextualisées où la conjugaison des identités – sportive, antillaise, de personne handicapée - produit des ajustements singuliers.
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01682717

Droits : info:eu-repo/semantics/OpenAccess
tel-01682717
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01682717
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01682717/document
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01682717/file/Approche%20socio-historique%20du%20mouvement%20handisport%20en%20Guadeloupe.pdf

Éditeur(s) : Musée départemental d'archéologie précolombienne et de préhistoire de la Martinique
2012.0.1.154
Basse-Pointe
Rivière Capot
Fort-de-France
Volga (Fort-de-France)
Grand'Rivière
Lamentin (Le)
La Lézarde (Lamentin)
Rivière-Pilote
Saint-Pierre
Galère (Saint-Pierre)
Habitation Saint-James (Sainte-Marie)
Sainte-Marie

Droits : Reproduction soumise à autorisation du Musée départemental d’archéologie précolombienne et de préhistoire de la Martinique
http://www.patrimoines-martinique.org/ark:/35569/a011423604739alpyWL

Éditeur(s) : ACH : Association of Caribbean Historians
Extrait de : 46e colloque de l'Association des historiens de la Caraïbe, du 11 au 15 mai 2014.
Description : Le mayolè peut être considéré comme une activité physique traditionnelle, "un sport vernaculaire" de Guadeloupe, entre danse et combat, hérité des temps de l'esclavage. Bien que cette activité soit depuis longtemps présente dans plusieurs zones de la Guadeloupe, les premiers sportifs ne l'intègre pas dans leurs activités.
Siècle(s) traité(s) : 20
Droits : CC-BY-NC-ND - Attribution - Pas d'utilisation commerciale - Pas de modification
Permalien : http://www.manioc.org/fichiers/V14344
V14344

Éditeur(s) : DPLSH : Département Pluridisciplinaire de Lettres, Langues et Sciences humaines CRILLASH : Centre de Recherches Interdisciplinaires en Lettres, Langues, Arts et Sciences Humaines Mémorial ACTe G.R.R.E.A. 17/18 : Groupe de Recherches sur les Représentations Européennes de l'Afrique aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles
Extrait de : "Les représentations du Noir dans la littérature, l'histoire et les arts européens et américains des XVIIIe, XIXe et début du XXe siècle" : colloque pluridisciplinaire, du 27 février au 2 mars 2013. Université des Antilles et de la Guyane
Description : Deuxième débat entre les intervenants et le public sur "Les représentations du Noir dans le droit et les débats d'idées du XVIIe siècle au début du XXe".
Siècle(s) traité(s) : 20
Droits : CC-BY-NC-ND - Attribution - Pas d'utilisation commerciale - Pas de modification
Permalien : http://www.manioc.org/fichiers/V13080
V13080

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD
Résumé : International audience
The aim of this study was to examine the heart rate (HR) response to Olympic windsurfing competition and to check if there was any correlation between racing HR, performance, and the variables measured during laboratory maximal exercise. Ten elite windsurfers [age: 20.93 (3.46) years; height: 178.10 (6.34) cm; body mass: 66.79 (5.90) kg] performed a laboratory maximal oxygen consumption (VO2max) trial and national windsurf competitions wearing a HR monitor. One hundred and forty-three individual races were examined. Racing HR was expressed as a percentage of (1) HRmax (maximal treadmill HR) and (2) HRreserve (HRmax)HRrest). The performance (racing classification: RC, which is inversely proportional to performance) was significantly correlated to the racing HR response in both light wind (LW): LW)RC=)0.12(%HRreserve)+13.03; r=)0.71, r2=0.50, p<0.001, and medium wind (MW): MW)RC=)0.11(%HRreserve)+10.99; r=)0.66, r2=0.43, p<0.001. The results showed similar correlations between performance and %HRmax. Post racing lactate concentration was higher in LW compared to MW [7.14 (0.21) and 5.18 (2.02) mmolÆl)1, respectively]. There was a negative correlation between the highest racing HR (%HRreserve) of each athlete and the second ventilatory threshold expressed as a percentage of VO2max (r=-0.71, p<0.05). To summarize, this study showed that light and medium wind Olympic windsurfing performances are highly dependent on the capacity of the athlete to maintain a high HR for long periods of time. Furthermore, windsurfing is highly dependent on the athlete's physical fitness level as shown by the correlations between racing HRs and laboratory physiological variables.
EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF APPLIED PHYSIOLOGY

hal-00720564
https://hal.univ-antilles.fr/hal-00720564
https://hal.univ-antilles.fr/hal-00720564/document
https://hal.univ-antilles.fr/hal-00720564/file/Chamari_Wind_surf_and_Heart_rat.pdf

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD Taylor & Francis (Routledge)
Résumé : International audience
It was in 1969, six years after the creation of the first sports fédération for the physically disabled in France, that regular ties with the Ministry of Youth and Sports began to develop. The aim of this article is to question how these ties affected the development of the movement towards the model of ‘classic’ sports federations. Between 1968 and 1973, data from the Ministry of Youth and Sports kept in the National Archives, along with information published in the federal press (crossed with accounts from persons with prominent roles d in disabled sports at the time), reveals a reorganization of the internal relations between managers (who are physically disabled people) and doctors (who generally come from the field of re-education). These new circumstances entailed their collaboration with another federal agent, who consequently became centrally important: the sports technician.
ISSN: 1743-0437

hal-01681359
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01681359
DOI : 10.1080/17430437.2016.1273610

Éditeur(s) : CRILLASH : Centre de Recherches Interdisciplinaires en Lettres, Langues, Arts et Sciences Humaines DPLSH : Département Pluridisciplinaire de Lettres, Langues et Sciences humaines G.R.R.E.A. 17/18 : Groupe de Recherches sur les Représentations Européennes de l'Afrique aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles Mémorial ACTe
Extrait de : "Les représentations du Noir dans la littérature, l'histoire et les arts européens et américains des XVIIIe, XIXe et début du XXe siècle" : colloque pluridisciplinaire, du 27 février au 2 mars 2013. Université des Antilles et de la Guyane
Description : Les pratiques culturelles et sportives aux Antilles, bien que longtemps réservés à une frange très réduite de la population, ne peuvent être coupées des rythmes d'une histoire sociale et politique. La question de l'égalité est ainsi au c?ur d'une quête où les pratiques associatives offrent une possibilité de reconnaissance. Celle-ci se construit autour de la notion ambiguë de mérite. Dans cette conception républicaine théorique, véhiculée par la presse, enseignée à l'école et relayée par les associations culturelles et sportives, l'Egalité ne doit rien à la naissance, l'origine sociale ou les hiérarchies raciales institués. Quelle place alors la question de couleur occupe chez ces médiateurs culturels, quels usages sont fait de cette question ? A quels moment cristallise-t-elle un ensemble de malaises identifiables ou de revendications explicites ? Comment se situent les Antillais face aux images génériques du Noir ?
Siècle(s) traité(s) : 20
Droits : CC-BY-NC-ND - Attribution - Pas d'utilisation commerciale - Pas de modification
Permalien : http://www.manioc.org/fichiers/V13078
V13078

Éditeur(s) : Musée départemental d'archéologie précolombienne et de préhistoire de la Martinique
2012.0.1.95
Case-Pilote
Fort-de-France
Etang Z'Abricots (Fort-de-France)
Moutte (Fort-de-France)
Lamentin (Le)
Saint-Pierre
Schoelcher
Trinité (La)

Droits : Reproduction soumise à autorisation du Musée départemental d’archéologie précolombienne et de préhistoire de la Martinique
http://www.patrimoines-martinique.org/ark:/35569/a011423604739p3nw6o

Éditeur(s) : Musée départemental d'archéologie précolombienne et de préhistoire de la Martinique
2012.0.1.143
Fort-de-France
Centre ville (Fort-de-France)
Rue de la Liberté (Fort-de-France)

Droits : Reproduction soumise à autorisation du Musée départemental d’archéologie précolombienne et de préhistoire de la Martinique
http://www.patrimoines-martinique.org/ark:/35569/a011423604739dtutyb

Éditeur(s) : Musée départemental d'archéologie précolombienne et de préhistoire de la Martinique
2012.0.1.117
Saint-Pierre
Rue Victor Hugo (Fort-de-France)

Droits : Reproduction soumise à autorisation du Musée départemental d’archéologie précolombienne et de préhistoire de la Martinique
http://www.patrimoines-martinique.org/ark:/35569/a0114236047398QDIfm

Éditeur(s) : Université des Antilles et de la Guyane
Extrait de : "Sport et développement des territoires enjeux et perspectives" : colloque international, le 7 juin 2013. Université des Antilles et de la Guyane
Siècle(s) traité(s) : 21
Droits : CC-BY-NC-ND - Attribution - Pas d'utilisation commerciale - Pas de modification
Permalien : http://www.manioc.org/fichiers/V15334
V15334

Éditeur(s) : Trinidad Guardian Trinidad Guardian
North America -- Trinidad and Tobago -- Caribbean -- Trinidad -- Port of Spain
Caribbean

UF00078612

Éditeur(s) : Musée départemental d'archéologie précolombienne et de préhistoire de la Martinique
2012.0.1.255
Fort-de-France
Centre ville (Fort-de-France)
Rue de la Liberté (Fort-de-France)

Droits : Reproduction soumise à autorisation du Musée départemental d’archéologie précolombienne et de préhistoire de la Martinique
http://www.patrimoines-martinique.org/ark:/35569/a0114236047402IdTYO