Résumé : From the PNCR, GAP MPs free to vote conscience on gay rights bill By Johann Earle Stabroek News June 11, 2003 The PNCR will allow its members to vote their conscience on the controversial Constitution (Amendment) Act of 2001 which seeks to prevent discrimination against persons on the basis of their sexual orientation and other grounds. A number of religious organisations are opposed to the passage of the bill because it includes sexual orientation as one of the grounds. They are concerned that it could lead to a legalisation of homosexual relations and demands for recognition of gay marriages among other things. PNCR Member of Parliament (MP) Vincent Alexander told a forum at the National Library on Saturday, that the Bill did not seek to legalise homosexuality, but to ensure that persons would not be discriminated against based on their sexual preferences. He was one of two parliamentarians who showed up - the other being PNCR member, Myrna Peterkin. The forum was organised by Students Against Sexual Orientation Discrimination (SASOD), a group comprising fifteen students from the University of Guyana which was formed about two weeks ago. Alexander expects the vote on the bill to come up before the National Assembly in a matter of months. Paul Hardy, Leader of the Guyana Action Party (GAP), told Stabroek News that his party would not be using the so-called parliamentary whip. He added that GAP took a decision that every member should vote according to his or her own conscience. “We have no right to deny the rights of others based on sexual orientation. [The Bill] will guarantee rights to the homosexual.” GAP is in Parliament as part of an alliance with the Working People’s Alliance. GAP/WPA has two MPs. The bill was met with rejection from some members of the religious community in 2001 and as a result of this, the President did not assent to it. In a statement on Monday, the Central Islamic Organisa-tion of Guyana (CIOG) said that it stood in firm opposition to the Bill. The CIOG says the general purpose of the bill may be commendable and that the organisation’s objection is not based on a willingness to promote discrimination. Rather, the CIOG said, it was based on the fact that specific legal protection on the basis of sexual orientation without definition or qualification gives tacit legitimacy to practices which are considered criminal in Islam. “It is foreseeable that such a legal nod of approval (subtle as it may be) of these practices may pave the way for greater social (or even legal) acceptability in the future which, from the perspective of all Muslims including those in Guyana, is an undesirable and sinful outcome,” the CIOG statement said. At Saturday’s event, Muslim teacher Moulana Mohamed Ali Zenjibari spoke of instances of abuse, discrimination and harsh penalties meted out to gay and lesbian persons in countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia and noted that the Quran did not sanction such punishments for homosexual behaviour. President of the CIOG, Fazeel Ferouz told Stabroek News that a meeting to discuss a strategy with regards to the bill was planned for tomorrow with various religious groups. Stabroek News tried to get a comment on the issue from the PPP/C but to no avail. ROAR leader, Ravi Dev said that his party was now having discussions on the issue. ROAR feels that it is an important question which has to do with morality and should be discussed across the country. He added legislators had to be in tune with their constituents on the issue. SASOD is lobbying for the legislation through the sensitisation of MPs. Keimo Benjamin, a law student at UG, gave a presentation based on the jurisprudential aspects of the discussion on sexual orientation. He argued that morality should not be the only guiding principle on which to base the laws. Sexual activities between two consenting male adults in private could not be equated with a violation of a person’s rights, he said, making the point that the thrust of his presentation was not whether homosexuality was wrong, but whether it violated the rights of others. He said that the attitudes of some towards this subject were based on preconceived notions and prejudices. He cited studies to show that the suppression of certain perceived deviant sexual impulses in persons might do more harm than good. One Harvard University study of teens who said they were gay indicated that those teens were three times more likely to commit suicide. Vidyaratha Kissoon, of Help and Shelter, in his contribution on Saturday, expressed his displeasure at the low turnout at the forum and urged the parliamentarians who showed up to take the message to their colleagues. He noted that because of homophobia, the numerical minority was terrified of speaking out against instances of discrimination. Gays and lesbians in Guyana were subjected to ridicule and abuse, and walk the streets at night not looking for sex necessarily, but for the companionship of persons who empathise with them. During his presentation, Joel Simpson, another member of SASOD, outlined a number of changes made within national jurisdictions that had international implications. One such crucial change was South Africa’s 1996 adoption of a new constitution, making that country the first in the world to expressly include sexual orientation as a prohibited ground of discrimination. It was the first time a developing country had taken the lead with respect to the rights of sexual minorities. He also said that according to Douglas Sanders, a Canadian jurist, the rights of homosexual, bisexual or transsexual men and women had never been officially recognised by the United Nations, despite the fact that international laws on the issue began to emerge at the close of the Second World War. Simpson said that under Article 170 (5), as amended by Section 8 of the Constitution (Amendment) (No. 4) Act 2000, the President is required to assent to any bill which is returned by the National Assembly unaltered after a two-thirds majority within 90 days of its presentation to him. To the parliamentarians present, Simpson stressed that the onus was now on them to adequately represent their constituents which include lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual Guyanese. http://www.landofsixpeoples.com/news301/ns306115.htm and Vote on sexual orientation should be a matter of conscience - MP Alexander By Esther Elijah Guyana Chronicle June 8, 2003 PEOPLE’S National Congress (PNC/R) Member of Parliament Mr. Vincent Alexander, said the Opposition will vote on “conscience” when the piece of legislation on sexual orientation is again brought before the National Assembly. “With specific reference to my party, when this Bill gets back to the Parliament in the spirit of the arguments here, we will not use the `whip’. Our party will not say we have to vote for the provision (in the Sexual Orientation Bill). We will allow our members to vote as a matter of conscience,” he told participants gathered in the Conference Room of the National Library. “We feel this is a matter of conscience. You may end up with a collective position but you have to deal with us individually,” Alexander said at a poorly attended public consultation aimed at gaining support for sexual orientation to be considered a fundamental right in Guyana. Alexander, one of the main persons who sat on the Constitutional Reform Commission that addressed this controversial clause, said the legislation was not meant to legalise homosexual activities in Guyana. “It was intended to ensure that persons who have an orientation - a way of thinking - which may or may not lead to a certain activity, to not be discriminated against, in terms of their rights,” he explained. Alexander noted that very often, discussions on the sexual orientation provision in the Bill have led to seepages into other areas where debates centre on the “right to be homosexual.” “I am saying the Bill does not comment on that… However, law is peculiar, especially in a Common Law system. Once you venture out and change the law, very often you open other windows which we cannot definitively say exist or does not exist in advance,” he said. “The fear of some people is that the legislators might say one thing and the Courts will eventually say something else. While some people can’t argue against the law, per say, they will say this has opened a window of opportunity not meant to be opened. So, it is better to stay without a window than open it and then have a possibility of something you didn’t intend to happen - happening sometime in the future.” Alexander added: “I want to say I’ve found this activity to have been rich from the perspective of the amount of research which was done by student (speakers). Without any comment as to whether I agree with the arguments, I would wish that much more research on other issues be done by students, and that at the University (of Guyana) students would find it convenient to have forums on other issues, with the same depth of research for their own intellectual development.” Alexander and other Opposition M.P, Lurlene Nestor were the only three Parliamentarians in attendance at the session organised by the recently formed `Students Against Sexual Orientation Discrimination’ (SASOD), a group that has a membership of 15 mostly University of Guyana (UG) students from various faculties. SASOD was established two weeks ago. With the exception of members of the press, the consultation only managed to attract 11 persons, a handful of who were SASOD members. While congratulating the students for an “insightful” presentation, Nestor pointed out that whether or not she chooses to agree with their position is “another issue” and she is entitled to her “own view”. “The issue of sexual orientation is very `toucheous’ …while we agree with the human rights provisions and all that as a society, we must also revert to our own society. Some of the very critical questions that I would want to ask is whether or not at the society (level) we are ready for that kind of thing,” she remarked. “We cannot, at (any) time, ignore the religious groups in our society. If we look at statistics going back to 1992 from a survey done by the Bureau of Statistics, we would see that a small section of the Guyanese population might be considered as people who do not subscribe to a religious view. While the laws are not necessarily based on moral values, we must acknowledge the fact that we might want to revert to many of the cases that (concern) laws that protect public morality.” Nestor told the speakers at the consultation these were some of the issues that they needed to deal with. She highlighted, too, that what must be examined is the effects of same-sex marriages on society and how this issue must be tackled. “These are some of the things we should consider and I don’t think you dealt with that in the presentations,” Nestor stated, adding that the issues must be addressed “frontally.” “Do we think that with the coming to being of this Bill that there might be quite a number of challenges to the Constitution in relation to the same issue of a man marrying a man? What do we do at the society (level)? Do we recognise that?” were the questions directed at the five speakers at the session. Nestor continued: “There is some argument that says, `Oh the Bill does not promote homosexuality or does not encourage a man to marry (another) man, but if you look at Section (15) that talks about `non-discrimination’ then how can we not, with the passage of this Bill, allow a man not to marry (another) man.” According to Nestor, matters of this nature constitute some of the “inconsistencies” of the Bill. On the argument raised by presenters at the session on who determines what is morality, Nestor said in the concept of democracy it is the people who are the determinants based on a “line of thinking.” She also rebutted on grounds that put the spotlight on teachers who may have been caught “interfering” with their young students and who may subsequently be dismissed from their jobs. “Could you imagine such a person interfering with a boy below age 10 - and by virtue of the fact that the Bill is there, the judges (in the case) will have to use their discretion in terms of what happens. We will have more Constitutional changes and problems (arising with the passage of the Bill).” SASOD member and law student, Joel Simpson, in reply, said he doesn’t think any homosexual in Guyana wants to “run into a church and ask that people marry them or anything of that sort.” At one point likening the church to a “club”, Simpson claimed the church has the right to exclude whomever it wants. He further stated that in accordance with the Constitution, people of the same sex do not currently have the right to marry, and will also not be able to do such an act with the passage of the Bill. However, Simpson said it is possible that the law, with the passage of the Bill, would have to recognise same-sex domestic partnerships in relation to employment benefits, sharing of properties, etc. Simpson said he believes there should be a realm of “public” and “private” morality between consenting adults, and implied that the Bill did not fully give “rights” to homosexuals. But, Nestor interjected: “I am informing you further…that the Sexual Orientation provision has, in fact, in some way recognised the rights of homosexuals and we must accept that.” Meanwhile, there was no vocal Christian representative(s) at the consultation and apart from the two Opposition representatives none other participant gave comments or directed questions at the presenters. Other speakers in support of the sexual orientation clause were: Moulana Mohammed Ali Zenjiban, Assistant Director of the International Islamic College; Denuka Radzik from Red Thread, Keimo Benjamin, UG law student and Vidyartha Kissoon from Help & Shelter. The Sunday Chronicle has been reliably informed that the Georgetown Ministers Fellowship, representing groups of Christian leaders staunchly against sexual orientation as a right in Guyana, have recently prepared a detailed 16-page document outlining issues arising from research to further boost their argument against the inclusion of the clause. The document is yet to be made public. http://www.landofsixpeoples.com/news301/nc306083.htm

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AA00014700/00001

Éditeur(s) : University of the Virgin Islands University of the Virgin Islands ( St. Thomas, V.I. : Eastern Caribbean Center, University of the Virgin Islands )

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
HQ 1034 .C27 S25 2014

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Bowdoin College Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada ) Bowdoin College ( Brunswick, ME )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson James Madison University Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada ) James Madison University ( Harrisonburg, VA )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson James Madison University Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada ) James Madison University ( Harrisonburg, VA )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : UNDP Guyana UNDP Guyana ( Guyana )
Résumé : (Funding) Support for the development of the technical infrastructure and partner training provided by the United States Department of Education TICFIA program.
While the global response to HIV and AIDS has realized several successes in achieving universal access to prevention, care and treatment to date, challenges persist in ensuring equal access to these services for most at risk populations. The epidemiology of HIV reflects a stark disparity in access to prevention and treatment services for neglected most-at risk populations, such as men who have sex with men (MSM). World-wide, MSM often experience higher rates of HIV relative to the total population. The reasons for this dynamic are multi-faceted and include high risk behaviors, and cultural as well as structural barriers. For MSM in developing countries, for example, basic services for prevention and treatment of HIV infection have yet to reach the large majority of men. Homophobia and discrimination limit access of MSM to prevention services and markedly increase vulnerability, as do criminalization of same-sex behavior. Decriminalization of same-sex behavior is a structural intervention for prevention of HIV infection and has recently been embraced by a nonbinding statement from the United Nations (Beyrer C,Clin Infect Dis. 2010 May 15;50 Suppl 3:S108-13) In the Caribbean, all of the above mentioned barriers exist. In fact, recent evidence demonstrates that there is a correlation between the decriminalization of homosexuality and lower rates of HIV (UNAIDS). This correlation is attributed to improved access to services. Therefore, The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) has recently launched an initiative to address the current situation regarding men who have sex with men in Guyana where the HIV prevalence in this population is 19.4% in contrast to 1.8% in the total population. This rapid assessment has been commissioned to supplement two previous studies that were conducted in Guyana in informing the design of upcoming activities to support local capacity building to enhance access to services and respect for the human rights protections for MSM. Unfortunately, in Guyana, like much of the Caribbean, MSM tend to be a hard to reach population, perhaps due to elevated levels of stigma and discrimination and difficulty in accessing men who might participate in high risk same sex behaviors yet do not self-identify as an MSM. As a result, there is a relative paucity of data concerning the knowledge, attitudes and behaviors of this total population in Guyana. (i.e. those who self –identify and those who do not) The baseline report is organized as follows: the methodology is explained followed by the study limitations, the review (literature and desk). The report then proceeds with describing the reality of work and working with sexual and gender minorities in Guyana, the status quo and entry points. The main findings of the capacity assessment and focus groups are then discussed. Issues relating to the uniformed forces and health services providers are then presented followed by discussions and conclusions.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Gay Freedom Movement Gay Freedom Movement ( Jamaica )
Résumé : (Funding) Support for the development of the technical infrastructure and partner training provided by the United States Department of Education TICFIA program.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.

Éditeur(s) : Caribbean Development Research Services Inc Caribbean Development Research Services Inc ( Barbados )
Résumé : The actually stated legislative preferences of Guyanese at this time are noteworthy since these speak to the activities that Guyanese wish to prevent. In this regard it is clear that Guyanese desire most to prevent “public sex” of any sort, but are especially concerned about relations between two or three men. Although there is a stated preference for the retention of the buggery law, there is little interest in having the state prevent private sex between adults (of any sex) if that were possible. This peculiarity suggests that Guyanese are perhaps really concerned about public manifestations of sexual orientation, as distinct from private manifestations and appear to believe that the changing of the laws would help to encourage these public manifestations. The juxtaposition of Guyanese support for decriminalisation (of homosexual acts) with their opinion on other major social issues does lend support to the suggestion that Guyanese are less committed to the retention of these laws than they are to issues like corporal punishment which also have a religious justification. This distance is significant, as is the finding in the survey that the position of a political party is not likely to affect its chances at the polls.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AA00016151/00001

Éditeur(s) : Université des Antilles Études caribéennes
Résumé : Homosexuality stands at the center of the last two centuries’ struggle to understand human sexuality; the HIV epidemic among gay men has cemented that in place. And the era of HIV/AIDS finally brought the inherent uncertainties and conflicts in our understanding of human sexuality to the surface and opened the way to re-think sex, identity, and sexual health. I discuss these re-conceptualizations, providing a way around the analytic dichotomies by embracing our embodiment in ecological contexts. In concluding, I suggest how to get out of our “heads” where linguistic binaries dominate our thinking with the superior/inferior evaluations endemic to self-other comparisons. Through our thick, sensuous experience, we can live in the present moment as one embodied person among other interconnected bodies without psychological games of one-up and one-down.
L’homosexualité se trouve au centre de la mobilisation pour comprendre la sexualité humaine, vieille maintenant de deux siècles. L’épidémie du SIDA a endurci cette mobilisation et a remis sur le devant de la scène les incertitudes et les conflits qui entourent notre approche de la sexualité humaine, offrant une nouvelle manière de penser la sexualité, l’identité et la santé sexuelle. J’analyse cette re-conceptualisation dans un contexte écologique qui contourne les dichotomies analytiques. En conclusion, je suggère une manière de nous libérer des binarismes linguistiques qui nous emprisonnent dans le besoin endémique de s’évaluer par rapport aux autres en termes de supériorité et d’infériorité. En reconnaissant la signifiance de notre expérience sensuelle, nous pouvons vivre le moment présent et établir des connexions avec les autres sans sombrer mentalement dans un rapport de supériorité ou d’infériorité.

Droits : info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
urn:doi:10.4000/etudescaribeennes.5922
http://journals.openedition.org/etudescaribeennes/5922

Résumé : Ce travail analyse le dancehall, dernière forme en date de la musique jamaïcaine, à travers les questions de violence et de sexualité. Cette musique rencontre des difficultés sur le plan local et international non seulement à cause des thématiques abordées mais aussi par la manière dont elles sont traitées. Ainsi, le traitement de la violence à travers le gun talk, ces textes faisant l’apologie des armes à feu, entraîne des critiques, on leur reproche d’être des incitations à la violence physique, psychologique, au désordre social et on juge leur influence négative. Par ailleurs, l’approche très explicite et très crue de la sexualité entraîne également des critiques du fait de la teneur misogyne et homophobe de certaines chansons.Par conséquent, cette étude du dancehall explique les raisons pour lesquelles le contexte particulier de la Jamaïque a conduit à ce genre de propos. Puis, elle démontre que les textes incriminés pour homophobie ou misogynie renferment une codification de la sexualité qui va au-delà de l’orientation sexuelle et de l’opposition hétérosexualité/homosexualité, pour ériger un modèle valorisant et valorisé en termes de pratiques sexuelles (le coït pénis/vagin). Pour répondre à ces questions, cette analyse s’appuie sur une série d’outils offrant une vision cohérente de cette musique : les travaux précédents sur le dancehall, les traductions d’un large éventail de chansons, l’utilisation de l’Internet qui permet de suivre les derniers déroulements de ce phénomène culturel en constante évolution et enfin les entretiens et les enquêtes menés sur le terrain.
Completely different to play a part in the social unrest that this country is facing. The second part of the thesis focuses on the issues of violence and sexuality in dancehall music. It shows how politics and religion have a strong influence on the population and offer some legitimacy to the lyrics which lead to the controversies surrounding dancehall music. On the one hand, religion is the cornerstone of this society (although Jamaicans have integrated some principles and do not pay much attention to others) and determines what should be endorsed or rejected. On the other hand, the politicians apply some sort of physical and psychological violence to maintain their leading position. In addition, these politicians rely on the contempt for homosexuality to create cohesion within a society that is deeply characterized by divisions and tensions of all kinds. In the Jamaican context that is deeply influenced by patriarchal values, the individuals of the lower social strata (especially males) who experience difficulties to obtain a valorizing social status can turn to violence and criminal activities, and will hang to heterosexuality and “moral” sexual practices as vehicles to restored self-esteem (this vision of sexuality is one of the only valorizing aspects of masculinity that any individual can rely on regardless of their social status). Consequently, these sexual archetypes are expressed through the lyrics of dancehall music and are promoted by the artists of dancehall, self-proclaimed spokesperson for the Jamaican population. The third part addresses the issue of the perception of dancehall music on the international level through the issue of sexuality and homosexuality. This part shows that even though the language used by the artists can be hardly understood, some lyrics leave the listeners with different way of interpreting the message, especially when it comes to threatening some people physically or psychologically on the ground of sexual orientations and practices. These songs which express strong criticism towards some individuals have triggered vehement reactions from sexual minority groups. Different campaigns on the international level have forced the artists to tone down their lyrics. These campaigns show how the music is also utilized by these gay groups to fight against discrimination. Because of or thanks to the media attention that Jamaican music enjoys, the homosexuals are able to expose to the public opinion the physical and psychological violence they are experiencing in Jamaica. In addition, the close geographic, cultural and economic relationship between Jamaica and the USA shows, on the one hand, how homosexuality is perceived on the island as an imposed foreign value and on the other hand, how this Caribbean country is labeled as a homophobic nation. And finally, the influence of Jamaica on the international level allows us to analyze dancehall music in the French Caribbean islands. This chapter shows how these local artists can use the Jamaican codes and adapt them to their own reality when they correspond with the values of their own society.

http://www.theses.fr/2013AGUY0728/document

Éditeur(s) : Université des Antilles Études caribéennes
Résumé : Dès l’annonce du projet de loi portant sur le Mariage pour tous en septembre 2012, de nombreux chrétiens martiniquais se sont mobilisés contre une réforme, qui portait à leurs yeux, atteinte à leurs convictions religieuses. Avec ce cadre d’action spirituel, ils ont rassemblé de nombreux sympathisants. Dans une société très croyante, la légitimité sociale des conservateurs leur a permis de rassembler des ressources matérielles et humaines stratégiques qui ont renforcé l’attractivité du mouvement. Pendant la période de mobilisation, certains opposants à la loi Taubira ont proféré dans les médias des propos violents et dégradants envers les homosexuels qui ont encouragé des militants de la diversité sexuelle à se mobiliser contre l’homophobie. Dans un contexte antillais plutôt hostile à l’homosexualité, ce cadre d’action n’a pas reçu autant de soutien social et politique que celui des conservateurs, rendant impossible la mobilisation des ressources nécessaires à rassembler en masse des militants contre l’homophobie.
Desde el anuncio del proyecto de ley « Matrimonio para todos » en septiembre 2012, numerosos cristianos martiniquenos protestaron contra una reforma opuesta según ellos a sus convicciones religiosas. Con ese campo de action espiritual, numerosas personas compartieron su protesta. En una sociedad muy religiosa, la legitimidad social de los conservadores les permitió movilizar recursos materiales y humanos estratégicos que incrementaron la importancia del movimiento. Durante el periodo de protesta, algunos oponentes a la Ley Taubira hicieron discursos violentes y degradantes a propósito de los homosexuales, lo cual aliento los militantes de la diversidad sexual a protestar en contra de la homofobia. En un contexto antillano hostil a la homosexualidad, ese campo de acción no recibió tanto apoyo social y politico como los conservadores, lo que volvió imposible la movilización de los recursos necesarios para juntar numerosos militantes contra la homofobia.
Martinique

Droits : info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
urn:doi:10.4000/etudescaribeennes.7141
http://journals.openedition.org/etudescaribeennes/7141