Résumé : (Donation) This report was donated by Gaiutra Bahadur who came across it in when doing research for her soon to be published book "Coolie Woman" "Coolie Woman" is scheduled to be published in 2012 by The University of Chicago Press in the US and Hurst & Co. in the UK. An excerpt from the book first appeared in the Spring 2011 issue of the U.S. literary magazine The Virginia Quarterly Review (http://www.vqronline.org/articles/2011/spring/bahadur-coolie/) and was then reprinted in India in the Sept. 2011 issue of The Caravan magazine. The whole excerpt is up at the Caravan's Web site: http://www.caravanmagazine.in/Story/1058/Her-Middle-Passage.html
(Internal Comments) Notes from the Report Arrived October 31, 1898 Dr. Arthur Harrison, SS G.H. Rock, Captain 673 landed 436 men // 438 embarked 191 women // 192 embarked 19 boys 19 girls 8 infants 9 births 4 deaths, one a baby born on board 54 marriages 37 served before in BG, 21 in other colonies * measles epidemic early in voyage until they crossed the Equator, 38 days in, almost daily there were heavy squalls with rain; misery of seasickness, vessel pitching and rolling heavily * got to sea July 14 - the very worst month of the whole year, having to face the full force of the southwest monsoon, Sujaria's would have been the same timing the coal of inferior quality and ran short, meaning water and cooked meals less for immigrants surgeon's journal: july 28: no 167 baijooporai, m, 20, was reported missing at 3 p.m. [cause of death in death list "lost over board" no. 178 lachman states that on 25th instant at sunset baijoo was in his berth suffering from seasickness; later on he saw him take his blanket, get up and go away... lachman states baijoo was a very quiet well-behaved man, shewing no signs of mental aberration, but was very seasick. no further information could be obtained regarding his disappearance. from the emigrants or crew. ... september 25: "No 696, Nobibux, m., 20 years, and No 351 Mohangu, m, 22 years, were caught about midnight by a sirdar named Rambocus committing sodomy. When brought up before the Captain and myself they both confessed their guilt. Nobibux stated that for the last ten years he had allowed men to commit acts of beastliness: he had no doubt induced Mohangu to do this criminal act. Nobibux was put in irons and Mohangu, after blistering his penis, was made to holystone [scrub the decks] from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. daily." [latitude 35.17 s. and longitude 22.10 e.] [nobibux handcuffed every night from sept 25 to landing on oct 31, as was a man who had jumped overboard and was rescued] criminal charges brought against two immigrants; in CO marginalia, discussion over the legality of the punishment and doubt expressed over whether there was any sodomy committed at all; indication there wasn't enough proof to prosecute: "the men should have been put in confinement and tried in British Guiana for an offense committed on the high seas on board a British vessel..."; fine the surgeon but should he be barred from re-employment? inspector general of police investigated; attorney general decided not to prosecute; IAG criticizes SS for punishing the two without fully and carefully enquiring into the case. violated Rule 165 relating to colonial emigration, which strictly prohibits harsh treatment of the people The contract with the surgeon superintendant enclosed shows that each was granted a pint of wine per day and stout. This surgeon was given 20 shillings per immigrant landed alive. for immigrants classified as invalids on embarking, if they died during voyage, he received a pro-rated amount, based on how long they lived; wife not allowed to go along. Arthur Harrison, SS, states on November 4, 1898: [on 25th Sept, when near the Cape of Good Hope, his compounder Abdul Wahed reported to him at 8 a.m. that he heard two men had committed sodomy during the night. he told the compounder to take the men to the hospital, where he would question them.] [witness, the sirdar Rambuccus, brought in with the two men. questioned in front of them, he said that he was on watch in between decks at midnight and "saw something unusual between these two men, they being under one blanket; he pulled off the blanket and saw them committing sodomy." he called the head sirdar at once. the prisoners denied it to the head sirdar but then later confessed. they were left in the charge of the hear sirdar for the rest of the night. captain also present at inquiry. while Rambuccus was giving this testimony, neither prisoner said anything.] [the head sirdar Salikram is then questioned. confirms being called as above. says he separated the men and "asked them why they were doing this wrong thing, that they at first denied it and afterwards they confessed they did it for pleasure."] [when questioned by SS, men at once confessed. Nabibux: "I have done it." Mohungu said same, "as far as I can remember. I cannot remember the words they used in confessing." Nabibux placed in irons fastened to a stanchion in the hospital. Mohangu placed in hospital and ordered to holystone from 6 a.m to 6 p.m. "I blistered the penis of Mohungu. I did so as a punishment as I thought he deserved it." did this right after enquiry concluded. the captain knew Harrison did this. "Mohungu was the man who committed the act on Nabibuccus. I blistered him as a preventitive, as he might have attempted the act again. I have known cases where the penis has been blistered as a preventitive treatment, in case of masturbation with boys."] [says he didn't see it as a crime committed against the laws of England, but "as a matter of discipline on board ship"; didn't examine their private parts for evidence] "Since this all occurred, it has come to my knowlegde that the head sirdar had threatend the two men to make them confess. Since I heard this, I have questioned them. Both denied the act and said Salikram had threatened to make them confess. My compounder's name is Abdul Wahed. I have heard from him since that the man Rambuccus who caught them had a spite against one of the men, owing to something that had occurred in the country Depot in India." ABDUL WAHED, THE CHIEF COMPOUNDER, STATES: [the inquiry occurred at about 8:30 p.m. on the 25th Sept.] "I heard Mohungu say he had put his penis in Nabibux' anus, and some days afterwards both men said to me that Rambux and Salikram had threatened to beat them throughout the voyage if they did not confess to having committed the sodomy." "Nabibux told me that he and Rambux had had a row in the Fizabad depot and he told me that Rambux had a spite against him." [the prisoners were under his charge in the hospital] [doesn't know what the depot quarrel was about. didn't ask. never noticed any ill feeling between Rambux and any of the men before this happened. never noticed Mohangu and Nabibux to be much in each other's company] RAMBUCCUS [an Ahir. says he knew Nabibuccus for a month in the Fyzabad depot, where he was a sirdar] "The men were under a platform sleeping. There were other coolies sleeping there too. The men were sleeping in their usual place... I noticed two men under one blanket. I have orders not to allow this, so I hauled the blanket off. Mohangu was on top of Nabibux who was lying on his back. Mahangu was lying on his stomach. I asked them what they were doing. They gave no reply. Mahangu came off. I did not see his private parts. His baba was loose. I did not notice the state of Nabibux' baba. He had it on, but I don't know whether the crupper of the baba was undone or not. I did not see his private parts. I did not see his anus. I did not see Mahungu's penis in Nabibux' anus, but from their position I suspected that they were committing sodomy... These two men always slept together during the voyage." SALIKRAM "They said Rambux hauled the blanket and shook them up while they were asleep. Rambuccus said they were committing sodomy but I don't think they were. They appeared to me just as if they had just been awakened. Their eyes seemed heavy with sleep." "I never knew either of these men before I met them onboard. Myself and Rambuccus do not agree. I never noticed Rambuccus and either of the two men have any quarrel. I never noticed Nabibux and Monungu keeping much company. I don't know whether these men were in the habit of sleeping alongside of one another. I never threatened these men to make them confess. I never heard the men confess they had done it. They did not confess before me." IN THE END: 50 pounds deducted from Harrison's gratuity for inflicting corporal punishment

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.

Résumé : The slides were taken on collecting trips sponsored by the William L. Bryant Foundation, where books, music and art indigenous to the regions were gathered. The are organized by geographical location.
Everald Brown, wearing an ornate shirt, married Jenny Gray in 1946. Upon his death in 2002, Brown was survived by his sons Clinton, Joseph, Errol, and Winston and daughters Dorothy, Myrtle, Sandra, Venice, Ruth, and Rebecca. In this image, members of the Brown family are standing outside of a board house with a zinc roof in Kingston, Jamaica. One of the men is holding a guitar. Slide labeled Jam. Everald Brown + family.
Jamaica -- Caribbean region -- Kingston

Droits : All rights to images are held by the respective holding institution. This image is posted publicly for non-profit educational uses, excluding printed publication. For permission to reproduce images and/or for copyright information contact Special Collections & University Archives, University of Central Florida Libraries, Orlando, FL 32816 phone (407) 823-2576, email: speccoll@mail.ucf.edu
CFM1972_01a
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AA00031133/00001

Résumé : (Biographical) Samuel Cary, Jr., was born in 1742 in the Boston suburb of Chelsea. Following his graduation from Harvard, he moved to the West Indies where he managed plantations for various individuals before purchasing a Grenada sugar plantation. In 1772, after the death of his father, Cary left the West Indies and returned to live in the Chelsea family home.
(Biographical) Charles Spooner was a British planter who owned several plantations in the Caribbean, specifically the Leeward Islands of the West Indies. William Manning (1763-1835), a British merchant with property and business interests in the West Indies, was a member of Parliament and served as a director and governor of the Bank of England.
Saint Kitts and Nevis
Grenada
Grenada
Saint Kitts
Saint Kitts
Saint Kitts
Saint Kitts
Saint Kitts
Grenada
Saint Kitts and Nevis

55617481

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Bowdoin College Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada ) Bowdoin College ( Brunswick, ME )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : s.n. s.n. ( Livorno, Italy )
Résumé : Illustration from Gazettiere Americano.
(Biographical) La Soufriere, on the island of Guadeloupe, was the site of the first historical eruption observed in the West Indies, circa 1660. In European cultures, crows often symbolize omens and ravens often symbolize death.
Guadeloupe
Guadeloupe
Guadeloupe

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
2007-269-1

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson James Madison University Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada ) James Madison University ( Harrisonburg, VA )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Résumé : The slides were taken on collecting trips sponsored by the William L. Bryant Foundation, where books, music and art indigenous to the regions were gathered. The are organized by geographical location.
Theophilus Albert Marryshow, born on the 7th of November 1887, was a proponent for a unified West Indies. On the year of his death in 1958, Marryshow became a Senator of the newly formed Federation of the West Indies. The house pictured here on Tyrrel Street, Saint George's, Grenada originally belonged to Marryshow and was built in 1917. The University of the West Indies (UWI) purchased the house in 1964. The sign in front of the building reads, “U.W.I. Marryshow House University Centre Private Car Park.” As of 2013, Marryshow House has been the main location for the Open Campus of the University of the West Indies in Grenada. Slide labeled Gren. 15
Grenada -- Caribbean region -- Saint George's, Saint George

Droits : All rights to images are held by the respective holding institution. This image is posted publicly for non-profit educational uses, excluding printed publication. For permission to reproduce images and/or for copyright information contact Special Collections & University Archives, University of Central Florida Libraries, Orlando, FL 32816 phone (407) 823-2576, email: speccoll@mail.ucf.edu
CFM1972_01a
Sheet 43:15
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AA00029612/00001

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson James Madison University Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada ) James Madison University ( Harrisonburg, VA )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Résumé : The slides were taken on collecting trips sponsored by the William L. Bryant Foundation, where books, music and art indigenous to the regions were gathered. The are organized by geographical location.
Rose Hall Great House in Saint James, Jamaica is an example of Caribbean Georgian architecture, was built in 1770 by John Palmer, Custos of Saint Thomas, and his wife (for whom the house is named). It eventually became the residence of their grandnephew, John Rose Palmer. In 1820, Palmer married Annie Mae Paterson. Following Annie Palmer's death, the plantation house became home to legendary story of the White Witch of Rose Hall. The Great House is built using cut stone on the first two levels and stucco on the third and uppermost level. This image was taken prior to the beginning of its reconstruction in the 1960s. Slide labeled Rose Hall.
Jamaica -- Caribbean region -- Saint James

Droits : All rights to images are held by the respective holding institution. This image is posted publicly for non-profit educational uses, excluding printed publication. For permission to reproduce images and/or for copyright information contact Special Collections & University Archives, University of Central Florida Libraries, Orlando, FL 32816 phone (407) 823-2576, email: speccoll@mail.ucf.edu
CFM1972_01a
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AA00030926/00001

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD Springer Verlag
Résumé : International audience
Variation of dead wood decay rates among tropical trees remains one source of uncertainty in global models of the carbon cycle. Taking advantage of a broad forest plot network surveyed for tree mortality over a 23-year period, we measured the remaining fraction of boles from 367 dead trees from 26 neotropical species widely varying in wood density (0.23–1.24 g cm-3) and tree circumference at death time (31.5–272.0 cm). We modeled decay rates within a Bayesian framework assuming a first order differential equation to model the decomposition process and tested for the effects of forest management (selective logging vs. unexploited), of mode of death (standing vs. downed) and of topographical levels (bottomlands vs. hillsides vs. hilltops) on wood decay rates. The general decay model predicts the observed remaining fraction of dead wood (R2 = 60%) with only two biological predictors: tree circumference at death time and wood specific density. Neither selective logging nor local topography had a differential effect on wood decay rates. Including the mode of death into the model revealed thatstanding dead trees decomposed faster than downed dead trees, but the gain of model accuracy remains rather marginal. Overall, these results suggest that the release of carbon from tropical dead trees to the atmosphere can be simply estimated using tree circumference at death time and wood density.
ISSN: 0029-8549

hal-01094187
https://hal-agroparistech.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01094187
DOI : 10.1007/s00442-010-1602-8

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD Public Library of Science
Résumé : International audience
BACKGROUND: Histoplasmosis is an endemic fungal infection in French Guiana. It is the most common AIDS-defining illness and the leading cause of AIDS-related deaths. Diagnosis is difficult, but in the past 2 decades, it has improved in this French overseas territory which offers an interesting model of Amazonian pathogen ecology. The objectives of the present study were to describe the temporal trends of incidence and mortality indicators for HIV-associated histoplasmosis in French Guiana. METHODS: A retrospective study was conducted to describe early mortality rates observed in persons diagnosed with incident cases of HIV-associated Histoplasma capsulatum var. capsulatum histoplasmosis admitted in one of the three main hospitals in French Guiana between 1992 and 2011. Early mortality was defined by death occurring within 30 days after antifungal treatment initiation. Data were collected on standardized case report forms and analysed using standard statistical methods. RESULTS: There were 124 deaths (45.3%) and 46 early deaths (16.8%) among 274 patients. Three time periods of particular interest were identified: 1992-1997, 1998-2004 and 2005-2011. The two main temporal trends were: the proportion of early deaths among annual incident histoplasmosis cases significantly declined four fold (χ2, p<0.0001) and the number of annual incident histoplasmosis cases increased three fold between 1992-1997 and 1998-2004, and subsequently stabilized. CONCLUSION: From an occasional exotic diagnosis, AIDS-related histoplasmosis became the top AIDS-defining event in French Guiana. This was accompanied by a spectacular decrease of early mortality related to histoplasmosis, consistent with North American reference center mortality rates. The present example testifies that rapid progress could be at reach if awareness increases and leads to clinical and laboratory capacity building in order to diagnose and treat this curable disease.
ISSN: 1935-2727

inserm-01065109
http://www.hal.inserm.fr/inserm-01065109
http://www.hal.inserm.fr/inserm-01065109/document
http://www.hal.inserm.fr/inserm-01065109/file/PLOS_Neglected_Tropical_Dis_2014.pdf
http://www.hal.inserm.fr/inserm-01065109/file/2014_Adenis_-_HIV-associated_histoplasmosis_early_mor.pdf

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : Darton & Co. Darton & Co. ( London )
Résumé : Added engraved t.p.
Publisher's advertisement follows text: <1> p., "Works by the same author".
(Funding) Brittle Books Program
(Statement of Responsibility) by Mrs. Henry Lynch.
England -- London
Jamaica

Droits : This item is presumed to be in the public domain. The University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries respect the intellectual property rights of others and do not claim any copyright interest in this item. Users of this work have responsibility for determining copyright status prior to reusing, publishing or reproducing this item for purposes other than what is allowed by fair use or other copyright exemptions. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions may require permission of the copyright holder. The Smathers Libraries would like to learn more about this item and invite individuals or organizations to contact The Department of Special and Area Studies Collections (special@uflib.ufl.edu) with any additional information they can provide.
002233396
45805616
ALH3804
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00001961/00001

Éditeur(s) : Hyacinth M. Simpson Hyacinth M. Simpson ( Manitoba, Canada )
Résumé : The word macomère is widely used by women in the Caribbean to mean "my child's godmother"; "my best friend and close female confindante"; "my bridesmaid, or another female wedding member of a wedding party of which I was a bridesmaid"; "the godmother of the child to whom I am also godmother"; "the woman who, by virtue of the depth of her friendship, has rights and privileges over my child and is a surrogate mother." This name seems appropriate because it so clearly expresses the intimate relations which women in the Caribbean share, is so firmly gendered, and honors the importance of friendship in relation to the important rituals of marriage, birth, and (implied) death. Moreover, macomère is a French Creole word which, although related to the French language, has taken on a structure and meaning which is indigenous to the Caribbean. The word is spelled in this way, instead of in the clearly Creole manner (macumè, makumeh, macoomè, macomeh, and many other variants), so that the female connotations of the word are highlighted and those meanings which apply to males ("a womanish or gossipy man"; "a homosexual") are less obvious. In those islands where Krèol (linguistic term for the French patos) is the first language, the same term is used for both females and males with meaning determined by the context. In islands such as Trinidad, however, where English has overlain Krèol, the Creole (linguistic term for the English patois) has incorporated the redundant my macomè and macomè man, thus reinforcing both the perceptions of intimacy and the female quality of the term. Interestingly enough, Richard Allsopp in The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Oxford University Press, 1996) has indicated the possibility that maku in Belize, with the meaning "midwife", is also derived from macomère. Hence, the word forces us to recall the continuities and correspondences in Caribbean languages and cultures, as well as the dynamic, creative, and transforming power of Creoles. In the purely English-speaking islands, the only comparable term is godmother (usually the mother's best friend). In the Hispanophone Caribbean, there is the similar comadre, although, as we would expect, some of the connotations are different. Join us in continuing to interrogate all the connotations of the meaning inherent in this culturally rich lexical item from the Caribbean Creoles.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
39971238

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD Springer Verlag
Résumé : International audience
To investigate the contribution of whole-body post-mortem computed tomography (PMCT) in sudden unexpected death in infants and children.METHODS:Forty-seven cases of sudden unexpected death in children investigated with radiographic skeletal survey, whole-body PMCT and autopsy were enrolled. For imaging interpretation, non-specific post-mortem modifications and abnormal findings related to the presumed cause of death were considered separately. All findings were correlated with autopsy findings.RESULTS:There were 31 boys and 16 girls. Of these, 44 children (93.6 %) were younger than 2 years. The cause of death was found at autopsy in 18 cases (38.3 %), with 4 confirmed as child abuse, 12 as infectious diseases, 1 as metabolic disease and 1 as bowel volvulus. PMCT results were in accordance with autopsy in all but three of these 18 cases. Death remains unexplained in 29 cases (61.7 %) and was correlated with no abnormal findings on PMCT in 27 cases. Major discrepancies between PMCT and autopsy findings concerned pulmonary analysis.CONCLUSIONS:Whole-body PMCT may detect relevant findings that can help to explain sudden unexpected death and is essential for detecting non-accidental injuries. We found broad concordance between autopsy and PMCT, except in a few cases of pneumonia. It is a non-invasive technique acceptable to relatives.KEY POINTS:• Whole-body post-mortem computed tomography (PMCT) is an effective non-invasive method. • Whole-body PMCT is essential for detecting child abuse in unexpected death. • There is concordance on cause of death between PMCT and autopsy. • Whole-body PMCT could improve autopsy through dissection and sampling guidance. • PMCT shows findings that may be relevant when parents reject autopsy.
ISSN: 0938-7994

inserm-01576306
http://www.hal.inserm.fr/inserm-01576306
DOI : 10.1007/s00330-012-2738-1
PUBMED : 23242003

Résumé : In 1873, eleven years after the death of his first wife, Henry Plant married Margaret Josephine Loughman, daughter of Martin Loughman of New York City. Margaret, whose ancestry included nobility in Ireland, would later be a great help to Henry in the selection of furnishings for the Pullman palace cars, steamships and the Tampa Bay Hotel.
(Funding) Funded in part by the Institute for Museum and Library Services (IMLS), Ephemeral Cities Project.
Tampa |z 1271000 |2 ceeus
Hillsborough County |z 12057 |2 ceeus
United States of America -- Florida -- Hillsborough County -- Tampa

Droits : All rights reserved. 2005.
D29-018

Éditeur(s) : Harper's Weekly Harper's Weekly ( New York )
Résumé : Contract laborers were imported from China to Cuba in the nineteenth century to alleviate the severe labor shortage caused by the expansion of the sugar estates. Between 1847 and 1878, approximately 145,000 Chinese arrived in the island. As they were expected to work under conditions similar to slavery, the death rate was high. By 1899, the population was reduced to 14,863. The artist, Frederic Remington, well-known for his portrayal of the Old West, began his career at Harper's Weekly. On assignment as artist and correspondent in Cuba during the 1890s, he reported on conditions on the island, as well as the Spanish American War in 1898.
Page from Harper's Weekly, November 7, 1891, p. 877
Digital image. 2005. 400 ppi rgb tif. 4414 x 6335 pixels. Prints. Box 24.
All rights reserved by the source institution
Havana (Cuba)

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
1997-230-13
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AA00010490/00001