Résumé : The slides were taken on collecting trips sponsored by the William L. Bryant Foundation, where books, music and art indigenous to the regions were gathered. The are organized by geographical location.
The picture shows four people in front of a house in Camaguey. The person standing second from the left is the photographer.
Cuba -- Caribbean region -- Camaguey

Droits : All rights to images are held by the respective holding institution. This image is posted publicly for non-profit educational uses, excluding printed publication. For permission to reproduce images and/or for copyright information contact Special Collections & University Archives, University of Central Florida Libraries, Orlando, FL 32816 phone (407) 823-2576, email: speccoll@mail.ucf.edu
CFM1972_01a
Sheet 27: 11
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/CA01200430/00001

Résumé : (Donation) This report was donated by Gaiutra Bahadur who came across it in when doing research for her soon to be published book "Coolie Woman" "Coolie Woman" is scheduled to be published in 2012 by The University of Chicago Press in the US and Hurst & Co. in the UK. An excerpt from the book first appeared in the Spring 2011 issue of the U.S. literary magazine The Virginia Quarterly Review (http://www.vqronline.org/articles/2011/spring/bahadur-coolie/) and was then reprinted in India in the Sept. 2011 issue of The Caravan magazine. The whole excerpt is up at the Caravan's Web site: http://www.caravanmagazine.in/Story/1058/Her-Middle-Passage.html
(Internal Comments) Notes from the Report Arrived October 31, 1898 Dr. Arthur Harrison, SS G.H. Rock, Captain 673 landed 436 men // 438 embarked 191 women // 192 embarked 19 boys 19 girls 8 infants 9 births 4 deaths, one a baby born on board 54 marriages 37 served before in BG, 21 in other colonies * measles epidemic early in voyage until they crossed the Equator, 38 days in, almost daily there were heavy squalls with rain; misery of seasickness, vessel pitching and rolling heavily * got to sea July 14 - the very worst month of the whole year, having to face the full force of the southwest monsoon, Sujaria's would have been the same timing the coal of inferior quality and ran short, meaning water and cooked meals less for immigrants surgeon's journal: july 28: no 167 baijooporai, m, 20, was reported missing at 3 p.m. [cause of death in death list "lost over board" no. 178 lachman states that on 25th instant at sunset baijoo was in his berth suffering from seasickness; later on he saw him take his blanket, get up and go away... lachman states baijoo was a very quiet well-behaved man, shewing no signs of mental aberration, but was very seasick. no further information could be obtained regarding his disappearance. from the emigrants or crew. ... september 25: "No 696, Nobibux, m., 20 years, and No 351 Mohangu, m, 22 years, were caught about midnight by a sirdar named Rambocus committing sodomy. When brought up before the Captain and myself they both confessed their guilt. Nobibux stated that for the last ten years he had allowed men to commit acts of beastliness: he had no doubt induced Mohangu to do this criminal act. Nobibux was put in irons and Mohangu, after blistering his penis, was made to holystone [scrub the decks] from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. daily." [latitude 35.17 s. and longitude 22.10 e.] [nobibux handcuffed every night from sept 25 to landing on oct 31, as was a man who had jumped overboard and was rescued] criminal charges brought against two immigrants; in CO marginalia, discussion over the legality of the punishment and doubt expressed over whether there was any sodomy committed at all; indication there wasn't enough proof to prosecute: "the men should have been put in confinement and tried in British Guiana for an offense committed on the high seas on board a British vessel..."; fine the surgeon but should he be barred from re-employment? inspector general of police investigated; attorney general decided not to prosecute; IAG criticizes SS for punishing the two without fully and carefully enquiring into the case. violated Rule 165 relating to colonial emigration, which strictly prohibits harsh treatment of the people The contract with the surgeon superintendant enclosed shows that each was granted a pint of wine per day and stout. This surgeon was given 20 shillings per immigrant landed alive. for immigrants classified as invalids on embarking, if they died during voyage, he received a pro-rated amount, based on how long they lived; wife not allowed to go along. Arthur Harrison, SS, states on November 4, 1898: [on 25th Sept, when near the Cape of Good Hope, his compounder Abdul Wahed reported to him at 8 a.m. that he heard two men had committed sodomy during the night. he told the compounder to take the men to the hospital, where he would question them.] [witness, the sirdar Rambuccus, brought in with the two men. questioned in front of them, he said that he was on watch in between decks at midnight and "saw something unusual between these two men, they being under one blanket; he pulled off the blanket and saw them committing sodomy." he called the head sirdar at once. the prisoners denied it to the head sirdar but then later confessed. they were left in the charge of the hear sirdar for the rest of the night. captain also present at inquiry. while Rambuccus was giving this testimony, neither prisoner said anything.] [the head sirdar Salikram is then questioned. confirms being called as above. says he separated the men and "asked them why they were doing this wrong thing, that they at first denied it and afterwards they confessed they did it for pleasure."] [when questioned by SS, men at once confessed. Nabibux: "I have done it." Mohungu said same, "as far as I can remember. I cannot remember the words they used in confessing." Nabibux placed in irons fastened to a stanchion in the hospital. Mohangu placed in hospital and ordered to holystone from 6 a.m to 6 p.m. "I blistered the penis of Mohungu. I did so as a punishment as I thought he deserved it." did this right after enquiry concluded. the captain knew Harrison did this. "Mohungu was the man who committed the act on Nabibuccus. I blistered him as a preventitive, as he might have attempted the act again. I have known cases where the penis has been blistered as a preventitive treatment, in case of masturbation with boys."] [says he didn't see it as a crime committed against the laws of England, but "as a matter of discipline on board ship"; didn't examine their private parts for evidence] "Since this all occurred, it has come to my knowlegde that the head sirdar had threatend the two men to make them confess. Since I heard this, I have questioned them. Both denied the act and said Salikram had threatened to make them confess. My compounder's name is Abdul Wahed. I have heard from him since that the man Rambuccus who caught them had a spite against one of the men, owing to something that had occurred in the country Depot in India." ABDUL WAHED, THE CHIEF COMPOUNDER, STATES: [the inquiry occurred at about 8:30 p.m. on the 25th Sept.] "I heard Mohungu say he had put his penis in Nabibux' anus, and some days afterwards both men said to me that Rambux and Salikram had threatened to beat them throughout the voyage if they did not confess to having committed the sodomy." "Nabibux told me that he and Rambux had had a row in the Fizabad depot and he told me that Rambux had a spite against him." [the prisoners were under his charge in the hospital] [doesn't know what the depot quarrel was about. didn't ask. never noticed any ill feeling between Rambux and any of the men before this happened. never noticed Mohangu and Nabibux to be much in each other's company] RAMBUCCUS [an Ahir. says he knew Nabibuccus for a month in the Fyzabad depot, where he was a sirdar] "The men were under a platform sleeping. There were other coolies sleeping there too. The men were sleeping in their usual place... I noticed two men under one blanket. I have orders not to allow this, so I hauled the blanket off. Mohangu was on top of Nabibux who was lying on his back. Mahangu was lying on his stomach. I asked them what they were doing. They gave no reply. Mahangu came off. I did not see his private parts. His baba was loose. I did not notice the state of Nabibux' baba. He had it on, but I don't know whether the crupper of the baba was undone or not. I did not see his private parts. I did not see his anus. I did not see Mahungu's penis in Nabibux' anus, but from their position I suspected that they were committing sodomy... These two men always slept together during the voyage." SALIKRAM "They said Rambux hauled the blanket and shook them up while they were asleep. Rambuccus said they were committing sodomy but I don't think they were. They appeared to me just as if they had just been awakened. Their eyes seemed heavy with sleep." "I never knew either of these men before I met them onboard. Myself and Rambuccus do not agree. I never noticed Rambuccus and either of the two men have any quarrel. I never noticed Nabibux and Monungu keeping much company. I don't know whether these men were in the habit of sleeping alongside of one another. I never threatened these men to make them confess. I never heard the men confess they had done it. They did not confess before me." IN THE END: 50 pounds deducted from Harrison's gratuity for inflicting corporal punishment

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.

Éditeur(s) : Caribbean IRN Caribbean IRN
Résumé : (Funding) Support for the development of the technical infrastructure and partner training provided by the United States Department of Education TICFIA program.
The first meeting of the Caribbean Region of the International Resource Network was an undeniable success. The more than thirty people present came from or have relationships with over a dozen Caribbean countries and territories using all four major languages of the region. They are activists, scholars, politicians, and artists – and many occupy more than one of these roles at once. In addition to individual introductions, an important element of the meeting was brief reports of the major issues faced by sexual minorities in different Caribbean countries and territories. This enabled participants to have a better idea of the historical and contemporary situations in places with which they were less familiar.

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.

Résumé : The slides were taken on collecting trips sponsored by the William L. Bryant Foundation, where books, music and art indigenous to the regions were gathered. The are organized by geographical location.
Museum exhibit of what appears to be a kitchen scenery in the People’s Museum of Craft and Technology, Spanish Town, Saint Catherine, Jamaica. The exhibit includes a wax female figure, a fire place with an iron cooking pot, and wooden bowls. The sign in the exhibit reads “Meat Smokers – without refrigeration, the preservation of fish and meat was usually by smoking. The creng-creng was an open basket type of smoker, fish and meat were also hung on hooks.” Slide labeled Jam. Museum of Spanish Town.
Jamaica -- Caribbean region -- Spanish Town, Saint Catherine

Droits : All rights to images are held by the respective holding institution. This image is posted publicly for non-profit educational uses, excluding printed publication. For permission to reproduce images and/or for copyright information contact Special Collections & University Archives, University of Central Florida Libraries, Orlando, FL 32816 phone (407) 823-2576, email: speccoll@mail.ucf.edu
CFM1972_01a
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AA00031085/00001

Résumé : (Funding) Support for the development of the technical infrastructure and partner training provided by the United States Department of Education TICFIA program.
Caribbean

Résumé : (Funding) Support for the development of the technical infrastructure and partner training provided by the United States Department of Education TICFIA program.
Caribbean

Résumé : (Funding) Support for the development of the technical infrastructure and partner training provided by the United States Department of Education TICFIA program.
Caribbean

http://ufdc.ufl.edu/CA01300776/00001

Éditeur(s) : INRA : Institut National de la Recherche Agronomique Université des Antilles. Service commun de la documentation
Extrait de : 52e congrès annuel de la Société caribéenne des plantes alimentaires / 52nd annual meeting of the Caribbean food crops society (CFCS), du 10 au 16 juillet 2016. INRA, CFCS
Description : In the Global South, improvement of agricultural outputs is eagerly awaited. While by 2050, its population will double areas devoted to agriculture will decrease exacerbating undernutrition of the poor. Unfortunately, the demand for fresh locally-produced meat products is not satisfied yet in the tropics. So, efficiency in animal productions is essential to allow coverage of protein nutritional needs of people, both in quality and quantity. In the Caribbean territories mixed farming systems are the most common farming systems (about 80%) and can constitute a solution to reach food sovereignty in such limited and isolated spaces. Lessons to be learned from these systems involve improving animal performance while respecting the natural balance with environment and maintaining the multi-functionality of plants and animals. Firstly, the natural (or selected) comfort zone of animal and plants must fit with the farm conditions, insuring thereby animal survival and welfare. Enhancement of adaptation to stresses (biotic, abiotic and socio- economic) in species or animal genotypes is a key element implying their equilibrium with the farm environment. This approach underpins for the farmer an integrated management of animal health, nutrition, genetics, reproduction, in close relationship with other compartments of the farming system. Secondly, animal adaptation may be completed by resilience ability within systems. Animals have to produce although facing stresses. Finally, the animal must be efficient that is to say must reconcile physiological functions of production, reproduction with adaptation functions. This optimization leads to decreased inputs and to overall efficiency of mixed farming systems at the end. The aim of the breeder is to choose the animal producing the best balance between output-reproduction-adaptation, at the individual or the flock scale combining genetic and physiological diversity. The underlying idea is to give to humans and animals their right place in the food chain taking into account the farmers? skills and wills. This idea is included in the agroecological approach and may give guidelines for food sovereignty worldwide.
Siècle(s) traité(s) : 21
Droits : CC-BY-NC-ND - Attribution - Pas d'utilisation commerciale - Pas de modification
Permalien : http://www.manioc.org/fichiers/V16318
V16318

Résumé : (Funding) Support for the development of the technical infrastructure and partner training provided by the United States Department of Education TICFIA program.
Saint John (V.I.)
Caribbean

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD
Résumé : This thesis falls within the scope of social and human geography and more exactly of« disability studies ». Understanding the disability like a « social object », the thesis analyzes the societal consideration of disabled people in non-urbanized areas with a high issue of touristic, recreational and patrimonial development. In the first place, it's the recent construction of disability as a social object that is discussed by reminding the history of the societal consideration of the disabled person in our occidental world. The French model and his fundamental rule of global accessibility for ail the domains of the social life are explained and the « Nature and Disability » thematic is more precisely analyzed as a development of an active living ideal for people who are in a disability situation. Secondly, the thesis develops this thematic on the particular field of the Reunion Island and tries to answer to a question which is both simple and complicated: « Today, how we live with a disability on the Reunion Island? ». ln a last time and on the basis of this study of the disability inside a Reunion Island society with accelerated transformations, the thesis specifies the current tendencies with the emergence of new public policies for the welcome of disabled people on natural and touristic areas of the island. To conclude and referring to an original survey, the thesis suggests some tools of evaluation and decision-making aids to these areas.
Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le champ de la géographie humaine et sociale et plus précisément dans celui des « disability studies ». En positionnant le handicap comme une « figure du social », la thèse analyse la prise en compte sociétale des personnes à mobilité réduite (PMR) dans des environnements non urbanisés, à très fort enjeu de développement touristique, récréatif et patrimonial. Dans un premier temps, c'est la construction récente du handicap en tant que figure du social qui est abordée, en rappelant l'historique de la considération de la personne handicapée dans nos sociétés occidentales. Le modèle français et son principe fondamental d'accessibilité généralisée à tous les domaines de la vie sociale sont détaillés et la thématique « Nature et Handicap » est analysée plus précisément, en tant que développement d'un idéal de vie active pour les personnes en situation de handicap. Dans un second temps, la thèse développe cette thématique sur le terrain particulier de l'Île de La Réunion et tente de répondre à une question à la fois simple et complexe : « comment vit-on avec une déficience aujourd'hui à La Réunion ? ». Dans un dernier temps et sur la base de cette analyse du handicap au sein d'une société réunionnaise aux mutations accélérées, la thèse précise les tendances actuelles avec l'apparition de nouvelles politiques publiques d'accueil des PMR dans les espaces naturels et touristiques de l'île. S'appuyant sur une enquête originale, la thèse propose enfin des outils d'évaluation et d'aide à la décision spécifiques à ces espaces.
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01279042

NNT : 2012LARE0025
tel-01279042
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01279042
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01279042/document
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01279042/file/2012lare0025_AGuenat.pdf

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD
Résumé : Since its apparition at the end of the second world word, the practice of sport for people suffering with motor deficiency has known numerous and quick evolutions. Initially conceived in the science of rehabilitation therapy, it now integrates more and more the principle of performance by getting closer to “ordinary” sport movements. However, this process of sportivisation is variable depending on the social and cultural context in which it is taking place. Initiated at the start of the 1970’s, Guadeloupe’s Movement for Sport for People with motor impairments has been meeting recurring difficulties in how to organise and federate itself. During this work, we have conducted a survey directly with the local disabled sport associations. Meetings with the principal actors of this movement had been taking place, archives had been gathered and both direct and participative observations had been carried out in order to retrace the collective history and to identify the individual theories utilised in the formation of Guadeloupe’s Movement for Sport for Disabled People. For this we have used the tools of the socio-history and of the organizational analysis and handled the speeches with an analyse of the relationship by opposition (ARO). The main results bring to light that the associative dynamics which structure the sport practices of Guadeloupe’s disabled people are impregnated by a sport logic combined with social, cultural and identity stakes. Therefore the principal thesis defended in the process of the research is that the organisation of Guadeloupe’s Movement for Sport for Disabled People is impregnated by the highly contextual strategies where the identities -sport, Caribbean, disabled- produces some very particular adjustments.
Depuis son apparition à la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, la pratique sportive des personnes atteintes de déficiences motrices a connu de nombreuses et rapides évolutions. Conçue initialement dans une logique rééducative, elle intègre de plus en plus le principe de performance en se rapprochant du mouvement sportif « ordinaire ». Toutefois, ce processus de sportivisation est variable selon l’espace social et culturel dans lequel il se réalise. Initié dans les années 1970, le mouvement handisportif guadeloupéen rencontre des difficultés récurrentes à s’organiser et à se fédérer. Au cours de ce travail, nous avons réalisé une enquête de terrain auprès des associations handisportives locales. Des entretiens avec les acteurs principaux de ce mouvement ont été conduits, des archives recueillies et des observations directes et participantes effectuées afin de retracer l’histoire collective et de repérer les logiques individuelles mobilisées dans la structuration du mouvement handisport en Guadeloupe. Pour cela nous avons utilisé des outils de la socio-histoire et de l’analyse organisationnelle et traité les discours au travers d’une analyse des relations par opposition (ARO). Les principaux résultats mettent en évidence que les dynamiques associatives structurant la pratique sportive des personnes handicapées motrices en Guadeloupe sont imprégnées par une logique sportive doublée d’enjeux sociaux, culturels et identitaires. Ainsi, la thèse principale défendue au terme de cette recherche est que l’organisation du mouvement handisport en Guadeloupe est marquée par des stratégies fortement contextualisées où la conjugaison des identités – sportive, antillaise, de personne handicapée - produit des ajustements singuliers.
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01682717

Droits : info:eu-repo/semantics/OpenAccess
tel-01682717
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01682717
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01682717/document
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01682717/file/Approche%20socio-historique%20du%20mouvement%20handisport%20en%20Guadeloupe.pdf

Éditeur(s) : Université des Antilles Études caribéennes
Résumé : Les « printemps » arabo-africains se suivent et ne se ressemblent pas, aux  « printemps » doux et pacifiques succèdent des « printemps » chauds et sanguinaires. Un « printemps » en chasse un autre, mais le bilan est mitigé, l’avenir encore incertain et les acquis réversibles. Indéniablement, ils n’ont pas encore dit leur dernier mot. De nouvelles raisons de préoccupations voient le jour, de nature différente ; elles ont pour nom : instabilité, intolérance, chaos, paralysie de l’État et ses institutions, menace qui plane sur le droit des femmes, des minorités de tous ordres, sur la liberté de conscience et le droit à la différence. Mais aussi de nouvelles raisons d’espérer des lendemains meilleurs.L'Afrique n’en est pas à un « printemps » près, mais les retombées sont toujours restées en deçà des attentes. La mise en place laborieuse d'un système panafricain des droits de l’homme et des peuples fut saluée, à juste titre, comme un évènement majeur et un « printemps » avant  la  lettre.L'article retrace toutes les étapes et péripéties de cette mise en place, le contexte, les tenants  et  les aboutissants de l'élaboration de la Charte africaine des droits de l'homme et des peuples qui en constitue le substratum. Il met en exergue ses spécificités, ses originalités, les mécanismes prévus et les organes érigés (Commission et Cour Africaine des Droits de l'Homme et des Peuples) pour assurer l'application et la promotion des  droits de l'homme et des peuples. À beaucoup d’égards, la Charte innove courageusement et originalement par  rapport à ses illustres devancières.Dans son intitulé d'abord : il s'agit d'une Charte et non d’une Déclaration. Ensuite, les droits de l’homme sont couplés aux droits des peuples et hissés au même niveau d'importance et d'impérativité, sinon plus. Enfin, la Charte ne reconnait pas seulement des droits mais elle édicte des devoirs (envers la famille, la communauté, l'État, l'Afrique, l’environnement, etc.) et fait de l'accomplissement de ceux-ci une condition de la jouissance de ceux-là. Deux décennies de recul et seulement 12 affaires traitées (sur seulement 24 qui lui sont parvenus), on peut dire que cette dernière est loin d'avoir atteint sa vitesse de croisière et mérité tant d'espoir placé en elle. De là à jeter le bébé avec l'eau du  bain, occulter tous les bienfaits d'un système qui est loin d'avoir démérité, il n'y a qu'un pas que ne franchirons guère.
The Arab-African springs follow one after the other but are not alike, soft and peaceful springs are succeeded by hot and bloodthirsty springs. One spring expels another one, but the situation s balance sheet is mixed, the future is still uncertain and the experiences are reversible. Undeniably, they didn't say their last word. New reasons of preoccupation are born, made of different nature : they are named : instability, intolerance, chaos, paralysis of the state and its institutions, threat to the women rights, minorities of all kinds, the conscience freedom and the rights to difference ; but also new reasons to hope for a better tomorrow. Africa is not at its last "spring" but the rewards remained always below expectations.The laborious Implementation of a Pan-African system of human rights and peoples was hailed, deservedly, as a major event and a "spring" far ahead of its time. The article in attached outlines all the steps and vicissitudes of this implementation rerelease the context, the end and results of the elaboration of human and people’s rights African charter which constitutes the substratum. It highlights its specificities, its originalities, the planed mechanisms and high instruments (Commission and the African Court of Human and Peoples' Rights) to ensure the application and the promotion of human and people’s rights.In many respects, the Charter innovates bravely and originally compared to its illustrious predecessors.At first in its title: it is matter of a charter and not a declaration. Then, human rights are closely connected to the people’s rights and hoisted at the same level of importance and imperativeness or more. Finally, the Charter does not only recognizes rights but it promulgates duties (to family, community, the state, Africa, the environment, etc.) and makes of the fulfillment of these a condition of enjoyment of those. Two decades backout, and only 12 cases treated (from only 24 have reached) later, in front of the Court, we can say that it is far from having reached its cruising speed and deserved so much hope placed in it.From there to throw the baby out with the bath water, hide all the benefits of a system which is far from being unworthy, there is only one step which shall exceed hardly.
Afrique

Droits : info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
urn:doi:10.4000/etudescaribeennes.6735
http://journals.openedition.org/etudescaribeennes/6735

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD
Résumé : Indigenous territories comprise extensive areas of tropical forest and hold significant social and conservation value. Today, they are subject to various constraints and opportunities, and face many territorial transformations. These transformations are complex and multifaceted. They involve the adoption of new production and consumption modes, the modification of forms of social organisation and identity and territorial claims. However, the links between these on-going processes are still poorly understood, and make difficult to appreciate the adaptation dynamics of indigenous common natural resources management. This thesis is particularly concerned with the territorial dynamics of the Wayãpi and Teko indigenous people of the municipality of Camopi in French Guiana. It integrates methods that include land use analysis using remotely sensed data, socio-economic and agricultural systems analysis at the household scale, and empirical analysis on the influence of identity claims, kinship networks, and conservation policies. It shows that despite the residential settlement around local towns, the growth of cash income from wage labour and welfare, associated with strong kinship networks, allows the revival of mobility and the diversification of indigenous territorialities. Environmental policies implemented on the territory involve processes of identity and territorial claims and motivate the construction of a collective project of endogenous local development. A comparative approach with the situation of the wayãpi people living in Brazil and evolving in a completely different institutional, socio-economic and environmental context shows similar dynamics. Indigenous peoples of these two sites adopt "multi-local" land use systems, allowing them to extend their territory occupation and taking part of a broader dynamic of territorial and identity affirmation. They articulate forest and local town environments. This multi-local land use system can be interpreted as a new form of environmental governance, which overcomes the access difficulties to natural resources around local towns and ensures their sovereignty over the territory.
Les territoires amérindiens couvrent de vastes étendues de forêts tropicales et possèdent une forte valeur sociale et environnementale. Soumis à des contraintes et opportunités variées, ils sont de nos jours le siège de nombreuses transformations territoriales. Ces transformations sont complexes et multiformes. Elles impliquent l'adoption de nouveaux modes de production et de consommation, le réajustement des formes d'organisation sociale et des dynamiques de réaffirmation identitaire et territoriale. Or les liens entre tous ces processus sont encore mal compris, et rendent délicate la compréhension des dynamiques d'adaptation des systèmes amérindiens de gestion des ressources communes. Cette thèse s'intéresse particulièrement aux dynamiques territoriales des Amérindiens wayãpi et teko de la commune de Camopi en Guyane française. Elle intègre des données sur l'occupation du sol obtenues par télédétection, des données socio-économiques et productives à l'échelle des ménages et des données qualitatives sur les processus identitaires, les réseaux de parenté, les politiques de conservation et la gouvernance du territoire. Elle montre que malgré la sédentarisation de l'habitat autour des bourgs locaux, la croissance des revenus monétaires issus des emplois salariés et des aides sociales, combinée avec le maintien de réseaux de parenté et d'entraide, permet une redynamisation des systèmes de mobilité et une diversification des territorialités amérindiennes. De plus, les politiques environnementales mises en place sur le territoire impliquent des processus de territorialisation et de revendications identitaires et motivent la construction collective d'un projet de développement local endogène. Une approche comparative avec la situation des Amérindiens wayãpi vivant au Brésil et évoluant dans un contexte socio-économique, institutionnel et environnemental bien différent montre des dynamiques similaires. Les Amérindiens de ces deux pays adoptent des systèmes d'exploitation du territoire multi-locaux, leur permettant d'étendre leur occupation du territoire et s'inscrivant dans une dynamique de réaffirmation identitaire et territoriale. Ils articulent ainsi les espaces de la forêt et des bourgs. Cette forme d'exploitation multi-locale du territoire peut être interprétée comme une nouvelle forme de gouvernance environnementale, qui leur permet de contourner les difficultés d'accès aux ressources naturelles autour des bourgs et d'affirmer leur souveraineté sur le territoire.
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00831619

tel-00831619
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00831619
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00831619/document
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00831619/file/These_TRITSCH_mai2013_vf.pdf

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD
Résumé : Résumé de l'ouvrage
With the constitution of the colonial empire, at the end of the nineteenth century, Bordeaux, whose the traded tradition was already well established dreams of becoming the “colonial capital city of France” in competition with the cities of Paris, Marseille and Lyon. Faced with the ignorance of French people on these countries and on these peoples with the strange and primitive customs, the Elite from Bordeaux tried to promote the products coming from colonies and, at the same time, to spread the idea and the taste of colonial cultures. The commercial, industrial and artistic exhibitions will prove to be a festive, theatrical and didactic mean of popularization. Bordeaux, pioneer city, will organize more than forty exhibitions and the colonial fairs at the Quinconces place between 1850 and 1940. The Philomathic Society of Bordeaux will set up the most prestigious ones, in 1895 and 1907. Staged in real colonial palace, Bordeaux sold “colonial dream”. With these private colonial pavilions, Bordeaux will be crowned, in 1923, first colonial fair of France. In these same educational and paternalistic spirit, Bordeaux will open five museum rooms for the French colonies. During several decades, Bordeaux will proudly affirm its colonial identity though its cultural demonstrations and the dynamism of its port activities.
Avec la constitution de l'empire colonial, à la fin du XIXe siècle, Bordeaux, dont la tradition commerçante était déjà bien établie, rêve de devenir la « capitale coloniale de la France » en concurrence avec les villes de Paris, Marseille et Lyon. Face à la méconnaissance des Français sur ces pays et ces peuples aux « moeurs curieuses et sauvages », les élites bordelaises cherchèrent à promouvoir les produits en provenance des colonies et, en même temps, à diffuser l'idée et le goût des cultures coloniales. Les expositions commerciales, industrielles et artistiques se révéleront comme un moyen festif, théâtral et didactique de vulgarisation populaire. Bordeaux, ville pionnière, organisera plus d'une quarantaine d'expositions et de foires coloniales sur les Quinconces entre 1850 et 1940. Les plus prestigieuses seront celles organisées par la Société Philomathique de Bordeaux, en 1895 et 1907. Mis en scènes dans de véritables palais coloniaux, Bordeaux vend du « rêve colonial ». Avec ses pavillons coloniaux particuliers, Bordeaux sera consacré, en 1923, première « foire coloniale de France ». Dans ce même esprit pédagogique et paternaliste, Bordeaux ouvrira cinq salles de musées aux colonies françaises. Pendant plusieurs décennies, Bordeaux affirmera fièrement son identité coloniale à travers ses manifestations culturelles et le dynamisme de ses activités portuaires. L'élan colonisateur ne s'est pas arrêté à une simple propagande politique et mercantile : ce fut avant tout la mobilisation d'énergies humaines qui, dans la passion de l'histoire en marche, ont mis en scène leurs convictions à travers d'ambitieuses démonstrations. Aujourd'hui, les fonds artistiques et ethnographiques des musées bordelais et l'abondance des collections privées témoignent aussi d'un véritable goût pour l'ailleurs et pour la différence. Pour le meilleur comme pour le pire, la richesse incontestable des faits historiques révèle que l'histoire des outre-mers a toujours été liée à la ville de Bordeaux.
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01091926

hal-01091926
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01091926

Éditeur(s) : Université des Antilles Études caribéennes
Résumé : En adoptant les Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement (OMD) des Nations Unies en 2000, la communauté internationale a placé la réduction de la pauvreté en tête des priorités de l’agenda politique mondial. Par-là, la communauté internationale n’a pas seulement placé la lutte contre la pauvreté sous les projecteurs des medias, elle l’a également rendu difficile à remettre en cause. Qui pourrait décemment s’opposer à la réduction de la pauvreté dans le monde ?Si l’on veut cibler les « pauvres » dans la mise en œuvre d’une politique, il faut d’abord pouvoir les reconnaître. Or ceux-ci sont définis par les institutions internationales en fonction d’un seuil de pauvreté universel établi à moins de 1 ou de 2 $ par jour ! La pauvreté n’est pas réductible à une question de richesse monétaire quotidienne et l’on sait qu’elle varie en fonction de nombreux critères géographiques, culturels, sociologiques, psychologiques,…Cette conception réductrice de la pauvreté se traduit par une catégorisation parfois arbitraire et stigmatisante, qui marque du sceau de la pauvreté des personnes qui ne se considèrent pas forcément comme telles, avec pour conséquence de se tromper potentiellement de cible, et dans certains cas, de contribuer à un passage de la pauvreté à la misère.Nous proposons ici une déconstruction de la conception utilitariste de la pauvreté et de la richesse sur laquelle repose la plupart des politiques mises en œuvre s’inscrivant dans l’objectif officiel de « réduction de la pauvreté ». Cette déconstruction nous permet non seulement de faire ressortir la pluralité des pauvretés mais également de réinscrire l’objectif de « réduction de La pauvreté » dans les enjeux de pouvoir sur la qualification de « pauvre » et sur les conceptions de la richesse qui peuvent légitimer ce pouvoir.
By adopting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in the United Nations in 2000, the international community has made poverty reduction a top priority on the global political agenda. In doing this, the international community has put poverty reduction in the media spotlight, which has also made it more difficult to challenge. Yet who would decently oppose the reduction of global poverty?If we want to target the poor in policy implementation, it is first necessary to be able to recognize them. But these people are defined by international institutions based on a universal poverty threshold established at less than $1 - $2 per day. Poverty depends on a multitude of geographic, cultural, sociological, psychological and other criteria. As such, it cannot be reduced merely to a question of daily monetary wealth.This reductionist approach to poverty leads to adopt categorizations which are sometimes arbitrary and stigmatizing because they label people who do not necessarily consider themselves poverty-stricken. This can result in policy which targets the wrong people, and in some cases contributes to a transition from poverty to misery.In this paper we propose a deconstruction of the utilitarian approach to poverty and wealth on which most “poverty reduction” policies are based. This deconstruction allows us not only to emphasize the diversity of types of poverty, but also to reinforce the objective of "reducing poverty" within power relations in regards to the significance of poverty and the concepts of wealth that can legitimize that power.

Droits : info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
urn:doi:10.4000/etudescaribeennes.6490
http://journals.openedition.org/etudescaribeennes/6490

Résumé : Aquafarming in Guyana (Macrobrachium Rosenbergii) finds itself confronted today with a serious economic problem linked to a concurrence of factors of differing origins. - The absence of markets (an apparently cyclical phenomenon) has hindered many operations and calls into question the producing sector in its current form (See table 5: stock SICA 1987). But behind this difficulty, other deeper and longer-lasting ones call for questions to be asked. During analysis of the sector, structural blockages appear from the first years of operations, which, combined with the prolonged absence of revenue, accelerates a process of decline (see the spiral of recession in the text). These other factors are: - 1) An environment that hinders the creation of new farms (difficulties and delay of basin construction sites, wavering about the chosen farming techniques, changes while engaged in operations...) - 2) A complete unawareness of the true capabilities of markets and competitors. - 3) An overestimation of possible yields in the first years. - 4) Underestimating cash flow needs and the consequences of taking out a large loan (see appendix 5, corporate earnings). - 5) Difficulty with implementing a solid and sustainable business structure. - 6) A serious and rapid deterioration of relations among the people involved in this production sector caused by a great deal of confusion about the role, attributions and sphere of expertise of each one of them (confusion in particular among IFREMER, France Aquaculture, and Guyane Aquaculture). Taken all together, these factors mean that we must consider today that the solutions proposed in response to the problem of marketing (See appendix 8 on the DDA proposal and appendix 9 on the GEM report), cannot suffice either to revive discontinued farms or to go ahead with planned projects.
(OCR non controlé) L'aquaculture en Guyane (Macrobrachium Rosenbergii) se trouve confrontée aujourd'hui à un grave problème économique lié à la conjonction de facteurs de natures distinctes. - L'absence de débouchés (phénomène en apparence conjoncturel) est venu bloquer bon nombre d'exploitations et remet en cause le secteur productif dans sa forme actuelle (Cf.tableau 5 : stock SICA 1987). Mais derrière cette difficulté, d'autres plus profondes et durables amènent à poser des questions. A l'analyse du secteur, des blocages structurels apparaissent, dès les premières années d'exploitation, qui combinés à l'absence prolongée de recettes, accélèrent un processus de déclin (cf dans le texte la spirale de la récession). Ces autres facteurs sont : - 1 ) Un environnement contraignant pour la création des fermes (difficultés et retard des chantiers de construction de bassins, hésitations sur les techniques d'élevage choisies, modifications en cours d'exploitation...) - 2 ) Une méconnaissance totale des capacités réelles des marchés et des concurrents. - 3 ) Une sur-estimation des rendements possibles les premières années. - 4 ) Une sous estimation des besoins de trésorerie et des conséquences d'un recours à l'emprunt important (cf annexe 5 résultats d'entreprises). - 5 ) Une difficulté à mettre en place une structure professionnelle solide et pérenne. - 6 ) Une grave et rapide dégradation des relations entre les acteurs de ce secteur de production causée par de sérieuses confusions sur le rôle, les attributions et les domaines de compétences de chacun d'eux (confusion notamment entre IFREMER, FRANCE AQUACULTURE, GUYANE AQUACULTURE). L'ensemble de ces facteurs fait que l'on doit considérer aujourd'hui que les solutions proposées en réponse au problème de commercialisation (Cf annexe 8 sur proposition DDA et annexe 9 sur rapport GEM), ne peuvent suffire ni pour relancer les fermes arrêtées ni pour réaliser les projets envisagés). Celles ci ne tiennent pas compte de la dégradation des relations entre les différents partenaires et reposent uniquement sur une intégration accrue des producteurs dans un environnement que pourtant la plupart ont déjà rejeté (ceci est caractéristique de la proposition de Mr FINET, DDA GUYANE ; cf annexe 8). - Il convient de plus de réviser sérieusement les seuils de rentabilité des entreprises en tenant compte d'un prix de revient qui intégre la totalité des charges imputables à ces productions et non plus seulement une partie comme cela a trop souvent été le cas. Le calcul du prix de revient sur la base des données comptables d'une exploitation (cf annexe 5) donne comme résultat la valeur de 90 Frs/Kg si on tient compte d'une estimation des charges imputables à une partie de production non pêchée, stockée en bassin. Si on ne prend pas en compte cette estimation, le prix s'établit au niveau de 130 Frs. Dans les deux cas les prix de vente actuels ne laissent entrevoir un quelconque bénéfice. Ceci résume bien le problème majeur de cette activité. Si on prévoit la remise en activité des fermes aujourd'hui stoppées, on doit prendre en considération que cela va inévitablement accroître leurs charges financières par un recours supplémentaire au crédit. Le prix de revient s'alourdira d'autant. Cette hypothèse n'étant réalisable qu'aprés une confiance retrouvée auprés des banquiers, ce qui en l'état actuel est loin d'être gagné. - C'est l'ensemble de ces contraintes qu'il convient de prendre en compte aujourd'hui si on souhaite tirer un bilan sérieux et objectif sur cette expérience dont les effets escomptés sont loin d'être obtenus (effet sur la balance commerciale déficitaire en crevettes, effet sur le développement de la Guyane...). Ce n'est qu'au terme d'un travail d'analyse technique mais aussi économique qu'un réajustement des prévisions de base pourra être effectué. Mais parallèlement à cette démarche, une re-définition de l'organisation du secteur doit être recherchée. Ceci passe entre autre par une re-définition claire de la place et du rôle de chacun des organismes qui sont amenés à intervenir dans cette activité. Sans cela toute proposition d'action risque d'aboutir à trés court terme à un nouvel échec.

Droits : info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
http://archimer.ifremer.fr/doc/1988/rapport-2300.pdf
http://archimer.ifremer.fr/doc/00000/2300/

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD Presses universitaires du sport
Résumé : International audience
The institutional changes interrogate the structuration of the collective organisation modalities in particular in the development of sports practices for disabled people. The phenomenon of circularity between global and local logics has to be taken into account in the analysis of institutions and gives to these ones a multidimensional character (Fossier & Monet, 2009). This work studies various local modalities of organization to enlighten foreground institutional stakes which are in process. For that purpose, we made a compared historical monograph of two Guadeloupians associations which develop sports practices for the physical disabled people. The hypothesis would be that these various Handisport organizations do not aim the same object to be established. The characteristics of these associations show that through the modalities of organization deceive underground divergent institutional stakes in particular about the definition of social places of physical disabled people.
Les transformations institutionnelles questionnent la structuration des modes d’organisation collective notamment dans le développement des pratiques sportives pour les personnes handicapées. Le phénomène de circularité entre des logiques globales et des logiques locales est à prendre en compte dans l’analyse des institutions et donne à ces dernières un caractère multidimensionnel (Fossier & Monet, 2009). Ce travail se propose d’étudier différents modes d’organisation locaux afin de faire émerger les enjeux institutionnels sous-jacents qui sont à l’oeuvre. Pour cela, nous avons effectué une monographie historique comparée de deux associations guadeloupéennes qui développent les pratiques sportives à l’intention des personnes déficientes physiques. L’hypothèse de travail est que ces différentes organisations Handisport ne visent pas le même objet à instituer. Les caractéristiques de ces associations montrent qu’à travers les modes d’organisation se dévoilent des enjeux institutionnels divergents qui portent notamment sur la définition des places sociales des personnes handicapées physiques.
ISSN: 1297-8019

hal-01681887
https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01681887

Éditeur(s) : Université des Antilles Études caribéennes
Résumé : À la Martinique, les noms les plus anciens et les mieux conservés sont ceux qui ont été précocement fixés par la cartographie et par l’administration, non par la mémoire populaire. En conséquence, lorsque le cartographe supprime un nom de lieu, celui-ci disparaît ; mais lorsqu’il le déforme, le transforme ou même renomme le lieu, c’est une composante du passé et de l’identité territoriale qu’il soumet à une logique étrangère, qu’il colonise en quelque sorte. Si l’ensemble de la population martiniquaise éprouve de l’intérêt pour l’origine et le sens des noms de lieux, il apparaît cependant qu’elle n’a pas conscience de l’importance identitaire de la toponymie ni des dangers qui la menacent.
In Martinique, the oldest and best preserved place names are those who have been fixed early by cartographers and state officers, not by folk remembrance. Consequently, when the map maker cancels a place name, transforms it or even gives it a new name, he actually subjects the territorial identity to a foreign reasoning, he colonizes the toponym one could say. While the whole Martinique people is interested by place names origin and meaning, it does not seem to have a clear conscience of what giving and using a name involve for self identity, nor what dangers are menacing the toponyms of Martinique.
Martinique

Droits : info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
urn:doi:10.4000/etudescaribeennes.3494
http://journals.openedition.org/etudescaribeennes/3494

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD Public Library of Science
Résumé : International audience
BACKGROUND: While a great number of papers have been published on the short-term effects of air pollution on mortality, few have tried to assess whether this association varies according to the neighbourhood socioeconomic level and long-term ambient air concentrations measured at the place of residence. We explored the effect modification of 1) socioeconomic status, 2) long-term NO2 ambient air concentrations, and 3) both combined, on the association between short-term exposure to NO2 and all-cause mortality in Paris (France).METHODS: A time-stratified case-crossover analysis was performed to evaluate the effect of short-term NO2 variations on mortality, based on 79,107 deaths having occurred among subjects aged over 35 years, from 2004 to 2009, in the city of Paris. Simple and double interactions were statistically tested in order to analyse effect modification by neighbourhood characteristics on the association between mortality and short-term NO2 exposure. The data was estimated at the census block scale (n=866).RESULTS: The mean of the NO2 concentrations during the five days prior to deaths were associated with an increased risk of all-cause mortality: overall Excess Risk (ER) was 0.94% (95%CI=[0.08;1.80]. A higher risk was revealed for subjects living in the most deprived census blocks in comparison with higher socioeconomic level areas (ER=3.14% (95%CI=[1.41-4.90], p extless0.001). Among these deprived census blocks, excess risk was even higher where long-term average NO2 concentrations were above 55.8 μg/m3 (the top tercile of distribution): ER=4.84% (95%CI=[1.56;8.24], p for interaction=0.02).CONCLUSION: Our results show that people living in census blocks characterized by low socioeconomic status are more vulnerable to air pollution episodes. There is also an indication that people living in these disadvantaged census blocks might experience even higher risk following short-term air pollution episodes, when they are also chronically exposed to higher NO2 levels
ISSN: 1932-6203

hal-01187406
https://hal-univ-rennes1.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01187406
https://hal-univ-rennes1.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01187406/document
https://hal-univ-rennes1.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01187406/file/journal.pone.0131463.PDF
DOI : 10.1371/journal.pone.0131463

Éditeur(s) : Pêche thonière et dispositifs de concentration de poissons, Caribbean-Martinique, 15-19 Oct 1999
Résumé : A development programme for the promotion of FADs in Sao Tome and Principe has implemented an original interactive approach by granting a predominant place to the initiative of the target group and its participation in decision making. The appropriation process of the innovative fads by the beneficiaries takes place in three stages described herewith. the technical research phase. This consists of formally describing an idea in reply to an expressed or potential need. The envisaged fad type is developed and tested by the project's agents in order to obtain a technically appropriate prototype.- the research and adjustment phase. The fad is given to a small number of people to be used in real-life conditions. Reaction surveys will enable its pertinence to be tested and its adaptation to normal conditions of use. This second phase results in the production of a technically and socio-economically appropriated fad. - the diffusion-perpetuation phase. This entails i) identification of the sequences of the various stages, ii) definition and grouping of contributions by the various parties, iii) production of educational auxiliaries, iv) initiating actions for user awareness and demonstration, v) staff training, vi) monitoring of the fad "socialisation", vii) solving funding problems.Original Abstract: Un projet visant, entre autres, la promotion de DCP pour la peche artisanale fonctionne a Sao Tome et Principe depuis 1993. Le processus d'appropriation daune telle innovation par les beneficiaires comprend trois etapes ici decrites. La phase de recherche technique. Il s'agit d'instrumentaliser une idee en reponse a un besoin exprime ou potentiel. L'innovation envisagee est mise au point et testee par les agents du projet en milieu controle de facon a obtenir un prototype techniquement approprie. La phase de recherche-developpement: l'outil est confie a un petit nombre de personnes pour une utilisation en conditions reelles. C'est une phase de mise au point interactive, seule susceptible de provoquer une reelle appropriation par les recipiendaires. Des enquetes de reaction permettront de tester sa pertinence et de l'adapter aux conditions normales d'utilisation. Cette seconde phase debouche sur la production d'un outil de reference approprie techniquement et socio-economiquement. La phase de diffusion-perennisation: il s'agira la : i) d'identifier les sequences d'intervention, ii) d'identifier et de regrouper les apports des differentes parties, iii) de definir et de produire les auxiliaires pedagogiques (manuels, affiches, radio), iv) d'entreprendre des actions de sensibilisation et de demonstration, v) de former les personnels, vi) de veiller a la socialisation de l'innovation, pour les outils collectifs, vii) de resoudre le probleme du financement.

Droits : info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
http://archimer.ifremer.fr/doc/00042/15306/12641.pdf
http://archimer.ifremer.fr/doc/00042/15306/