Éditeur(s) : Université des Antilles Études caribéennes
Résumé : La prostitution est une problématique très intéressante d’une part parce qu’elle est transversale à tous les temps, à toutes les classes sociales, à tous les espaces, et d’autre part parce qu’il s’agit d’un fléau qui se conjugue le plus souvent au féminin. Il s’agit à mon sens du versant spécifique d’une problématique universelle dont personne ne peut s’affranchir sans mettre en jeu l’ensemble de la condition humaine. En effet, la prostitution est le lieu où convergent et se concentrent de façon exacerbée tous les maux d’une société. La femme est malgré elle au centre de ce système dans lequel on retrouve les frustrations, les rapports de domination, de pouvoir, la violence, la misère, la corruption, l’aliénation… La prostitution, tout comme le concept de genre, est une construction sociale, dans laquelle les femmes sont enfermées réellement et symboliquement.D’autre part, si les maux d’une société sont décuplés dans le système de la prostitution, nulle part ailleurs n’existe un tel abîme entre fantasme et réalité. C’est le lieu des fausses représentations et des euphémismes comme le montrent ces deux expressions édulcorées « zones de tolérance » et « femmes publiques ». A Cuba, malgré les tentatives d’éradication de la prostitution dans les premières décennies qui suivirent le triomphe de la Révolution de 1959, la chute du bloc soviétique et la période de pénurie qui s’ensuivit donnèrent lieu à un retour de cette prostitution, sous de nouvelles formes qui persistent aujourd’hui. Cependant, il fut une époque, celle de la première République (1902-1958) durant laquelle Cuba, rongée par un système néocolonial, connût une recrudescence de ce phénomène, dans des proportions jamais égalées. Une époque somme toute récente où les zones de tolérance, espaces où étaient regroupées les maisons closes, occupaient une grande partie de La Havane coloniale ainsi que des quartiers entiers à travers l’île. A l’intérieur de ces zones très lucratives dont profitaient à la fois les proxénètes, policiers, politiques et hommes d’affaires, les femmes cubaines, mais également, dans une grande proportion des Françaises victimes de la traite des Blanches, se trouvaient au cœur d’un système qui étaient à lui seul le symptôme de la frustration néocoloniale, mais également de l’exacerbation du patriarcat.Cette problématique, on ne peut plus actuelle, convoque la pluridisciplinarité, c’est pourquoi j’ai eu recours à des témoignages de prostituées depuis le début du siècle jusqu’à la Révolution, recueillis et publiés à Cuba. Je me suis penchée sur les différents discours sur la prostitution de l’époque, discours politiques et féministes. Les rapports de police, les plaintes déposées par des femmes, les comptes rendus de procès, et les descriptions des médecins-hygiénistes sont autant de sources qui viennent corroborer les témoignages.
The republican era in Cuba is a complex and difficult one for the Cuban population. 1898 remains engraved in people’s memories as being a time of great disillusion for a population who, having freed itself from Spanish colonial domination, was deprived of independence by the United States of America. Three years of American intervention sufficed to put power bases into place, guarantee maximal exploitation conditions and organize the legal framework of the American domination over Cuba by means of the Platt Amendment in 1901. The protectorate set up by the United States, followed by a neocolonial system in 1934, relies upon the collaboration of presidents and corrupt governments succeeding each other in power. Corruption, nepotism and violence are put in place in a society in which inequality is dramatically worsening and all moral values are disintegrating. In this context and in a Cuban society governed with patriarchal rules, women are the first victims of the system. After the wars of independence, the only options they have are marriage, work or prostitution. Legitimate marriage is only available to a privileged few. With regards to employment, only 9.8% of women have the opportunity to work and this percentage didn’t change until 1959. It was at this time that prostitution reached unprecedented levels. It wasn’t just the case of a few marginalized women but of thousands of mothers, wives, widows and working women who were trapped in this alienating condition, forced to sell their bodies. Legislation and violence are used to control and restrict the work space for prostitutes, removing these ‘streetwalkers’ from the public eye, grouping them together in tolerance zones with very strict rules, which are in reality in the hands of Cuban and French procurers, and subjecting them to constant inspections carried out by hygienists who physically and symbolically assault women’s bodies. What is more, speeches about prostitution, whether made by politicians, feminists, journalists, doctors or mere observers, contribute significantly to a certain representation of these women. While debates about prostitution have recently shaken public opinion, this work refers back to an episode of Cuba’s history which brings us to reflect upon the evolution of the phenomenon and on its protean nature.
Cuba

Droits : info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
urn:doi:10.4000/etudescaribeennes.6945
http://journals.openedition.org/etudescaribeennes/6945

Résumé : From the PNCR, GAP MPs free to vote conscience on gay rights bill By Johann Earle Stabroek News June 11, 2003 The PNCR will allow its members to vote their conscience on the controversial Constitution (Amendment) Act of 2001 which seeks to prevent discrimination against persons on the basis of their sexual orientation and other grounds. A number of religious organisations are opposed to the passage of the bill because it includes sexual orientation as one of the grounds. They are concerned that it could lead to a legalisation of homosexual relations and demands for recognition of gay marriages among other things. PNCR Member of Parliament (MP) Vincent Alexander told a forum at the National Library on Saturday, that the Bill did not seek to legalise homosexuality, but to ensure that persons would not be discriminated against based on their sexual preferences. He was one of two parliamentarians who showed up - the other being PNCR member, Myrna Peterkin. The forum was organised by Students Against Sexual Orientation Discrimination (SASOD), a group comprising fifteen students from the University of Guyana which was formed about two weeks ago. Alexander expects the vote on the bill to come up before the National Assembly in a matter of months. Paul Hardy, Leader of the Guyana Action Party (GAP), told Stabroek News that his party would not be using the so-called parliamentary whip. He added that GAP took a decision that every member should vote according to his or her own conscience. “We have no right to deny the rights of others based on sexual orientation. [The Bill] will guarantee rights to the homosexual.” GAP is in Parliament as part of an alliance with the Working People’s Alliance. GAP/WPA has two MPs. The bill was met with rejection from some members of the religious community in 2001 and as a result of this, the President did not assent to it. In a statement on Monday, the Central Islamic Organisa-tion of Guyana (CIOG) said that it stood in firm opposition to the Bill. The CIOG says the general purpose of the bill may be commendable and that the organisation’s objection is not based on a willingness to promote discrimination. Rather, the CIOG said, it was based on the fact that specific legal protection on the basis of sexual orientation without definition or qualification gives tacit legitimacy to practices which are considered criminal in Islam. “It is foreseeable that such a legal nod of approval (subtle as it may be) of these practices may pave the way for greater social (or even legal) acceptability in the future which, from the perspective of all Muslims including those in Guyana, is an undesirable and sinful outcome,” the CIOG statement said. At Saturday’s event, Muslim teacher Moulana Mohamed Ali Zenjibari spoke of instances of abuse, discrimination and harsh penalties meted out to gay and lesbian persons in countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia and noted that the Quran did not sanction such punishments for homosexual behaviour. President of the CIOG, Fazeel Ferouz told Stabroek News that a meeting to discuss a strategy with regards to the bill was planned for tomorrow with various religious groups. Stabroek News tried to get a comment on the issue from the PPP/C but to no avail. ROAR leader, Ravi Dev said that his party was now having discussions on the issue. ROAR feels that it is an important question which has to do with morality and should be discussed across the country. He added legislators had to be in tune with their constituents on the issue. SASOD is lobbying for the legislation through the sensitisation of MPs. Keimo Benjamin, a law student at UG, gave a presentation based on the jurisprudential aspects of the discussion on sexual orientation. He argued that morality should not be the only guiding principle on which to base the laws. Sexual activities between two consenting male adults in private could not be equated with a violation of a person’s rights, he said, making the point that the thrust of his presentation was not whether homosexuality was wrong, but whether it violated the rights of others. He said that the attitudes of some towards this subject were based on preconceived notions and prejudices. He cited studies to show that the suppression of certain perceived deviant sexual impulses in persons might do more harm than good. One Harvard University study of teens who said they were gay indicated that those teens were three times more likely to commit suicide. Vidyaratha Kissoon, of Help and Shelter, in his contribution on Saturday, expressed his displeasure at the low turnout at the forum and urged the parliamentarians who showed up to take the message to their colleagues. He noted that because of homophobia, the numerical minority was terrified of speaking out against instances of discrimination. Gays and lesbians in Guyana were subjected to ridicule and abuse, and walk the streets at night not looking for sex necessarily, but for the companionship of persons who empathise with them. During his presentation, Joel Simpson, another member of SASOD, outlined a number of changes made within national jurisdictions that had international implications. One such crucial change was South Africa’s 1996 adoption of a new constitution, making that country the first in the world to expressly include sexual orientation as a prohibited ground of discrimination. It was the first time a developing country had taken the lead with respect to the rights of sexual minorities. He also said that according to Douglas Sanders, a Canadian jurist, the rights of homosexual, bisexual or transsexual men and women had never been officially recognised by the United Nations, despite the fact that international laws on the issue began to emerge at the close of the Second World War. Simpson said that under Article 170 (5), as amended by Section 8 of the Constitution (Amendment) (No. 4) Act 2000, the President is required to assent to any bill which is returned by the National Assembly unaltered after a two-thirds majority within 90 days of its presentation to him. To the parliamentarians present, Simpson stressed that the onus was now on them to adequately represent their constituents which include lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual Guyanese. http://www.landofsixpeoples.com/news301/ns306115.htm and Vote on sexual orientation should be a matter of conscience - MP Alexander By Esther Elijah Guyana Chronicle June 8, 2003 PEOPLE’S National Congress (PNC/R) Member of Parliament Mr. Vincent Alexander, said the Opposition will vote on “conscience” when the piece of legislation on sexual orientation is again brought before the National Assembly. “With specific reference to my party, when this Bill gets back to the Parliament in the spirit of the arguments here, we will not use the `whip’. Our party will not say we have to vote for the provision (in the Sexual Orientation Bill). We will allow our members to vote as a matter of conscience,” he told participants gathered in the Conference Room of the National Library. “We feel this is a matter of conscience. You may end up with a collective position but you have to deal with us individually,” Alexander said at a poorly attended public consultation aimed at gaining support for sexual orientation to be considered a fundamental right in Guyana. Alexander, one of the main persons who sat on the Constitutional Reform Commission that addressed this controversial clause, said the legislation was not meant to legalise homosexual activities in Guyana. “It was intended to ensure that persons who have an orientation - a way of thinking - which may or may not lead to a certain activity, to not be discriminated against, in terms of their rights,” he explained. Alexander noted that very often, discussions on the sexual orientation provision in the Bill have led to seepages into other areas where debates centre on the “right to be homosexual.” “I am saying the Bill does not comment on that… However, law is peculiar, especially in a Common Law system. Once you venture out and change the law, very often you open other windows which we cannot definitively say exist or does not exist in advance,” he said. “The fear of some people is that the legislators might say one thing and the Courts will eventually say something else. While some people can’t argue against the law, per say, they will say this has opened a window of opportunity not meant to be opened. So, it is better to stay without a window than open it and then have a possibility of something you didn’t intend to happen - happening sometime in the future.” Alexander added: “I want to say I’ve found this activity to have been rich from the perspective of the amount of research which was done by student (speakers). Without any comment as to whether I agree with the arguments, I would wish that much more research on other issues be done by students, and that at the University (of Guyana) students would find it convenient to have forums on other issues, with the same depth of research for their own intellectual development.” Alexander and other Opposition M.P, Lurlene Nestor were the only three Parliamentarians in attendance at the session organised by the recently formed `Students Against Sexual Orientation Discrimination’ (SASOD), a group that has a membership of 15 mostly University of Guyana (UG) students from various faculties. SASOD was established two weeks ago. With the exception of members of the press, the consultation only managed to attract 11 persons, a handful of who were SASOD members. While congratulating the students for an “insightful” presentation, Nestor pointed out that whether or not she chooses to agree with their position is “another issue” and she is entitled to her “own view”. “The issue of sexual orientation is very `toucheous’ …while we agree with the human rights provisions and all that as a society, we must also revert to our own society. Some of the very critical questions that I would want to ask is whether or not at the society (level) we are ready for that kind of thing,” she remarked. “We cannot, at (any) time, ignore the religious groups in our society. If we look at statistics going back to 1992 from a survey done by the Bureau of Statistics, we would see that a small section of the Guyanese population might be considered as people who do not subscribe to a religious view. While the laws are not necessarily based on moral values, we must acknowledge the fact that we might want to revert to many of the cases that (concern) laws that protect public morality.” Nestor told the speakers at the consultation these were some of the issues that they needed to deal with. She highlighted, too, that what must be examined is the effects of same-sex marriages on society and how this issue must be tackled. “These are some of the things we should consider and I don’t think you dealt with that in the presentations,” Nestor stated, adding that the issues must be addressed “frontally.” “Do we think that with the coming to being of this Bill that there might be quite a number of challenges to the Constitution in relation to the same issue of a man marrying a man? What do we do at the society (level)? Do we recognise that?” were the questions directed at the five speakers at the session. Nestor continued: “There is some argument that says, `Oh the Bill does not promote homosexuality or does not encourage a man to marry (another) man, but if you look at Section (15) that talks about `non-discrimination’ then how can we not, with the passage of this Bill, allow a man not to marry (another) man.” According to Nestor, matters of this nature constitute some of the “inconsistencies” of the Bill. On the argument raised by presenters at the session on who determines what is morality, Nestor said in the concept of democracy it is the people who are the determinants based on a “line of thinking.” She also rebutted on grounds that put the spotlight on teachers who may have been caught “interfering” with their young students and who may subsequently be dismissed from their jobs. “Could you imagine such a person interfering with a boy below age 10 - and by virtue of the fact that the Bill is there, the judges (in the case) will have to use their discretion in terms of what happens. We will have more Constitutional changes and problems (arising with the passage of the Bill).” SASOD member and law student, Joel Simpson, in reply, said he doesn’t think any homosexual in Guyana wants to “run into a church and ask that people marry them or anything of that sort.” At one point likening the church to a “club”, Simpson claimed the church has the right to exclude whomever it wants. He further stated that in accordance with the Constitution, people of the same sex do not currently have the right to marry, and will also not be able to do such an act with the passage of the Bill. However, Simpson said it is possible that the law, with the passage of the Bill, would have to recognise same-sex domestic partnerships in relation to employment benefits, sharing of properties, etc. Simpson said he believes there should be a realm of “public” and “private” morality between consenting adults, and implied that the Bill did not fully give “rights” to homosexuals. But, Nestor interjected: “I am informing you further…that the Sexual Orientation provision has, in fact, in some way recognised the rights of homosexuals and we must accept that.” Meanwhile, there was no vocal Christian representative(s) at the consultation and apart from the two Opposition representatives none other participant gave comments or directed questions at the presenters. Other speakers in support of the sexual orientation clause were: Moulana Mohammed Ali Zenjiban, Assistant Director of the International Islamic College; Denuka Radzik from Red Thread, Keimo Benjamin, UG law student and Vidyartha Kissoon from Help & Shelter. The Sunday Chronicle has been reliably informed that the Georgetown Ministers Fellowship, representing groups of Christian leaders staunchly against sexual orientation as a right in Guyana, have recently prepared a detailed 16-page document outlining issues arising from research to further boost their argument against the inclusion of the clause. The document is yet to be made public. http://www.landofsixpeoples.com/news301/nc306083.htm

Droits : All rights reserved by the source institution.
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AA00014700/00001

Éditeur(s) : Diana Paton Diana Paton ( United Kingdom )
Résumé : From: http://obeahhistories.org/project/ The website is part of the project ‘Spiritual Politics in Caribbean History’, led by Diana Paton and funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council, which ran from January 2012 to January 2013. Diana Paton is Reader in Caribbean History at the School of History, Classics and Archaeology at Newcastle University. She is the author of No Bond but the Law: Punishment, Race, and Gender in Jamaican State Formation, 1780-1870 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004), and co-editor, with Pamela Scully, of Gender and Slave Emancipation in the Atlantic World (Durham: Duke University Press 2005). For her publications on obeah and Caribbean religion, please see the publications page. Gemma Romain specialises in researching Caribbean and Black British history. She currently works as a Research Associate for The Equiano Centre, Department of Geography, UCL and also undertakes freelance historical research and public engagement. She was Vera Douie Fellow at the Women’s Library during 2011, documenting interwar Black histories within the collections of the Women’s Library and was previously Leverhulme Early Career fellowship at Newcastle University. Her publications include Connecting Histories: A Comparative Exploration of African-Caribbean and Jewish History and Memory in Modern Britain (Kegan Paul, 2006) and co-edited with David Cesarani, Jews and Ports Cities, 1590-1990: Commerce, Community and Cosmopolitanism (Vallentine Mitchell, 2006). Gemma wrote the initial drafts of most of the text on the website. Maarit Forde worked with Diana on an earlier phase of this project, funded by the Leverhulme Trust. She researched obeah prosecutions and prosecutions under the Shouters Prohibition Ordinance in the Port of Spain Gazette, co-organized the conference that led to the publication of Obeah and Other Powers, and co-edited the book. Previous research on this project has also been funded by Newcastle University and the British Academy.

Droits : Applicable rights reserved.
http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AA00013897/00001

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences
Résumé : International audience
BACKGROUND: Women of reproductive age can be exposed to endocrine-disrupting chemicals (EDCs) at work, and exposure to EDCs in pregnancy may affect fetal growth. OBJECTIVES: We assessed whether maternal occupational exposure to EDCs during pregnancy as classified by application of a job exposure matrix was associated with birth weight, term low birth weight (LBW), length of gestation, and preterm delivery. METHODS: Using individual participant data from 133,957 mother-child pairs in 13 European cohorts spanning births from 1994 through 2011, we linked maternal job titles with exposure to 10 EDC groups as assessed through a job exposure matrix. For each group, we combined the two levels of exposure categories (possible and probable) and compared birth outcomes with the unexposed group (exposure unlikely). We performed meta-analyses of cohort-specific estimates. RESULTS: Eleven percent of pregnant women were classified as exposed to EDCs at work during pregnancy, based on job title. Classification of exposure to one or more EDC group was associated with an increased risk of term LBW [odds ratio (OR) = 1.25; 95% CI: 1.04, 1.49], as were most specific EDC groups; this association was consistent across cohorts. Further, the risk increased with increasing number of EDC groups (OR = 2.11; 95% CI: 1.10, 4.06 for exposure to four or more EDC groups). There were few associations (p < 0.05) with the other outcomes; women holding job titles classified as exposed to bisphenol A or brominated flame retardants were at higher risk for longer length of gestation. CONCLUSION: Results from our large population-based birth cohort design indicate that employment during pregnancy in occupations classified as possibly or probably exposed to EDCs was associated with an increased risk of term LBW.
ISSN: 0091-6765

hal-01405823
https://hal-univ-rennes1.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01405823
DOI : 10.1289/EHP208
PUBMED : 27152464

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD
Résumé : Pregnancy is a sensitive and critical period for the development of the child and the health of adults-to-be. The biological and physiological adaptation of the body dealing physical and psychosocial stressors during this period may exert its effects in adulthood (and possibly over several generations). This delayed toxicity presupposes intrinsically the need to study the effects of exposure to environmental risk factors during fetal life using a holistic approach involving risk factors at both the micro (individual characteristics) and the macro level (physical and psycho-social context). Given the heterogeneity of the Breton territory in which this work was conducted, we explored whether the impact of social inequalities and the physical environment (air pollution) on birth outcomes (fetal growth and the risk of prematurity) could be modified according to an urban or rural place of residence. This work was based on data collected as part of the Breton mother-child cohort PELAGIE, which had included 3421 pregnant women between 2002- 2006. The anthropometric parameters and gestational age at birth were measured by medical personnel at delivery. We defined urban and rural areas according to the definition of “urban units” from the National Census Bureau (INSEE). The annual concentrations of air pollution (nitrogen dioxide (NO2)) were estimated using a land-use regression modeled at a 100 m scale and developed as part of an European project. Finally, neighbourhood deprivation was estimated using a composite index developed at census blocks level and whose use was legitimated over both urban and rural areas. Neighbourhood deprivation was associated with an increased risk of infants with fetal growth restriction, only for women living in rural areas. We also observed an increased risk of preterm birth associated with NO2 concentrations > 16.4 μg.m-3, only among women residing in urban areas. The associations between air pollution and fetal growth, although sex-specific, did not seem on the other hand, to vary significantly according to the urban-rural spectrum. This work confirms the need to explore the influence of both social and environmental inequalities on intrauterine development, and to assess the role of place-based factors, such as the urban-rural context, in shaping these inequalities.
La grossesse est une période sensible et déterminante pour le développement de l’enfant et l’état de santé à l’âge adulte. L'adaptation biologique et physiologique de l'organisme face à des « stresseurs » physiques et psychosociaux au cours de cette période peut ainsi exercer ses effets à l'âge adulte (et possiblement sur plusieurs générations). Cette toxicité différée suppose intrinsèquement la nécessité d’étudier les conséquences des expositions environnementales au cours de la vie foetale et ce suivant une approche holistique intégrant autant les facteurs de risque à des niveaux micro (caractéristiques individuelles) et macro (expositions physiques externes et contexte psycho-social). Etant donné l’hétérogénéité du territoire breton dans lequel s’inscrit ce travail de thèse, nous avons cherché à explorer l’impact des inégalités sociales et de l’environnement physique (pollution atmosphérique) sur l’issue de la grossesse (croissance foetale et risque de prématurité) indépendamment chez des femmes enceintes résidant dans des zones urbaines et rurales. Ce travail s’est appuyé sur les données issues de la cohorte bretonne mère-enfant PELAGIE, qui a inclus 3421 femmes enceintes entre 2002- 2006. Les paramètres anthropométriques et l’âge gestationnel à la naissance ont été renseignés à l’accouchement par le personnel médical. Le contexte urbain et rural breton a été caractérisé à partir de la définition des unités urbaines de l’INSEE. Les concentrations annuelles de pollution atmosphérique (dioxyde d’azote (NO2)) ont été modélisées à une échelle de 100 m à partir d’un modèle de "land-use regression" développé à l’échelle européenne. Enfin, le niveau socio-économique des IRIS a été estimé à l’aide d’un indice de désavantage social - construit à partir des données du recensement de l’INSEE et dont la validité et l’adaptabilité à des territoires à la fois urbains et ruraux a été examinée au préalable. Nos résultats suggèrent une influence délétère d’un contexte de vie socioéconomique défavorable sur la croissance intra-utérine, spécifiquement chez les femmes résidant en milieu rural. Nous avons également observé une augmentation du risque de prématurité associée à des niveaux > 16.4 μg.m-3 de NO2 dans l’air, à l’inverse, uniquement chez les femmes résidant dans des zones urbaines. Les associations entre l’exposition à la pollution atmosphérique et les marqueurs de la croissance intra-utérine, bien que sexe-spécifiques, ne semblent en revanche pas varier sensiblement suivant le gradient urbain-rural. Ce travail confirme la nécessité d’évaluer l’influence des inégalités sociales et environnementales sur le développement intra-utérin et de considérer l’importance et le rôle du contexte de vie, notamment urbain-rural, dans la formation de ces inégalités.
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01308518

NNT : 2015REN1B010
tel-01308518
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01308518
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01308518/document
https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01308518/file/BERTIN_M--lanie.pdf

Éditeur(s) : Université des Antilles Études caribéennes
Résumé : L’Asie insulaire, forte exportatrice de main-d’œuvre féminine possède-t-elle un système migratoire propre ? Les cas indonésien, philippin et sri-lankais.Les migrations de travail ont une longue tradition en Asie. Instaurées par les puissances coloniales européennes par le biais des contrats de travail, après l’abolition de l’esclavage, elles ont ainsi favorisé l’expansion de deux solides diasporas, l’une chinoise, l’autre indienne.Ce vaste continent qui abrite désormais 60 % de la population mondiale et les deux tiers de la force de travail mondiale demeure, pour longtemps encore, une zone de très forte mobilité.Trois pays, dont deux archipels et une île, les Philippines, l’Indonésie et le Sri Lanka, sont devenus, en l’espace d’une à trois décennies, les principaux exportateurs de main-d’œuvre à l’échelle mondiale. Ces politiques migratoires visent d’une part à réduire la pauvreté et le chômage et d’autre part à accroître les indispensables rentrées de devises par le biais des transferts financiers des migrants. La féminisation des flux migratoires est particulièrement marquée en Asie insulaire où la proportion de femmes avoisine les 70 % du total des migrants.
The labour migration have a long tradition in Asia. Migration, which were introduced by European colonial powers (through employment contracts, after the abolition of slavery), have encouraged the expansion of two solid diasporas, 'One China, one Indian. This vast continent, home now 60% of the world's population and two thirds of the global labor force, remains for a long time, a zone of very high mobility. Three countries, including two archipelagos and one island, the Philippines, Indonesia and Sri Lanka are now in the space of one to three decades, the main exporters of labour globally. The objective of these policies migration is a part of reducing poverty and unemployment, and secondly to increase the necessary cash currency, with financial transfers of migrants. The feminization of migration is particularly marked in Asia island where the proportion of women is around 70% of total migrants
Indonésie
Philippines
Sri Lanka

Droits : info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
urn:doi:10.4000/etudescaribeennes.982
http://journals.openedition.org/etudescaribeennes/982

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD BMJ Publishing Group
Résumé : International audience
OBJECTIVES: Many women who work during pregnancy are occupationally exposed to toxicants. The developing central nervous system is highly vulnerable to neurotoxicants such as solvents. Although the neurotoxicity of solvents to adults is well established, very few studies have examined their effects on children's behaviour following prenatal exposure. METHODS: Women from the Perturbateurs endocriniens: Étude Longitudinale sur les Anomalies de la Grossesse, l'Infertilité et l'Enfance (PELAGIE) mother-child cohort (including 3005 working women) were recruited in Brittany (France) between 2002 and 2006, at the beginning of pregnancy, to assess occupational exposure to solvents at that time. Child behaviour was documented at age 2 by mothers (n=1278) assessing components of attention deficit/hyperactivity, aggression, opposition and emotionality. We used a multiple linear regression analysis to evaluate the association between occupational solvent exposure and children's behaviour. Complementary sensitivity analyses allowed us to handle missing data, due mostly to attrition. RESULTS: 20% of women reported occasional exposure and 31% regular exposure to solvents. Children prenatally exposed were more likely to have higher scores of attention deficit/hyperactivity and aggression, and dose-response relations were observed. CONCLUSIONS: The dose-response effect and the high prevalence of children potentially exposed to solvents from their mother's workplace exposure underline the public health relevance of this result. Our results should be replicated in further studies designed to identify which solvents are most deleterious and to assess child behaviour at school age.
ISSN: 1351-0711

inserm-00795043
http://www.hal.inserm.fr/inserm-00795043
http://www.hal.inserm.fr/inserm-00795043/document
http://www.hal.inserm.fr/inserm-00795043/file/Occupationnal_solvent_exposure_child_behavior_HAL.pdf
DOI : 10.1136/oemed-2012-100892

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD
Résumé : International audience
BACKGROUND: Several studies suggest that exposure to organophosphate insecticides (OP) during pregnancy impairs neurodevelopment in children. OBJECTIVES: We evaluated associations between biomarkers of prenatal and postnatal OP exposure and cognitive function of 6-year-olds in a French longitudinal birth cohort. METHODS: In 2002-2006, the PELAGIE mother-child cohort enrolled pregnant women from Brittany. For a random subcohort, we measured nonspecific dialkylphosphate metabolites (DAP) of OP in one maternal urine sample, collected before 19 weeks' gestation, and in one urine sample collected from their 6-year-old children. Six subtests of the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children-4th edition (WISC-IV) was administered at 6 years to evaluate cognitive function (n=231). Linear regression models controlling for factors including maternal intelligence and the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment score were used. RESULTS: WISC-IV scores were not significantly associated with prenatal or childhood total DAP metabolites. WISC verbal comprehension score was significantly higher in association with the highest maternal urinary concentrations of diethylphosphate metabolites (DE) (5.5; 95% CI: 0.8, 10.3 for extgreater 13.2 nmol/L versus extlessLOQ), while WISC working memory score was significantly lower in association with the highest urinary concentrations of DE metabolites at age 6 years (-3.6; 95% CI: -7.8, -0.6 for extgreater 11.1 nmol/L versus extlessLOD). CONCLUSION: This study found no evidence that prenatal OP exposure adversely affected cognitive function in 6-year-olds, perhaps because of the higher population's socioeconomic status than in previous studies though other causal and non-causal explanations are also possible. The negative association between WISC score and concurrent DE urinary concentrations requires replication by longitudinal studies investigating childhood OP exposure
Environmental Health Perspectives

hal-01207282
https://hal-univ-rennes1.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01207282
DOI : 10.1289/ehp.1409472
PUBMED : 26394442

Résumé : Au XXIème siècle, en France, en Martinique, au Québec, le monde du travail se caractérise encore par des inégalités professionnelles persistantes. La non mixité dans la fonction de direction générale ou autrement dit, la ségrégation verticale professionnelle dans l’entreprise serait-elle un invariant quels que soient les contextes ? Les référentiels culturels du dirigeant et du décideur demeurent encore masculins. Les représentations qui se sont construites sur les rôles sociaux des femmes et des hommes dans le travail se sont vite et durablement condensées en stéréotypes négatifs à l’égard des femmes.A partir de la théorie du noyau central d’Abric il semblait opportun de chercher à identifier les principaux déterminants qui ont présidé à la construction de ces stéréotypes. Ce noyau dur serait constitué de déterminismes historiques symboliques et sociaux. S’intéresser à la « déconstruction » des stéréotypes sexués en défaveur des femmes constitue un moyen de repenser l’action collective pour agir plus efficacement en matière de mixité professionnelle. En effet, plusieurs travaux ont montré que, sous certaines conditions, les éléments centraux d’une représentation pouvaient être sensibles à des informations venant les contredire. Réussir la mixité professionnelle entre les femmes et les hommes dans la fonction de direction générale des entreprises requiert, tant de la part de la politique gouvernementale que de celle des ressources humaines, des actions fortes relevant des enjeux de l’élimination des stéréotypes et de déconstruction du rôle social assigné à la femme depuis des millénaires.
In the 20th Century, in France, Martinique and Québec, the world of Work is still characterized by persistent professional disparities. Should the not-mixing be an invariant whatever the contexts, in the general managerial function, or in other words, the professional vertical segregation in the company ?The Manager’s and decider’s cultural reference tables remain still male. The representations built by themselves on the women and men social roles in work area are quickly and durably condensed in negative stereotypes against the women.From the theory of the central core of Abric (abric’score), it seems appropriate to try to identify the main determinants which presided over the construction of these stereotypes. This hard core would be constituted by symbolic and social historic determinism. Be interested in the "demolition" of the sexual stereotypes against the women establishes a way to rethink the collective action to act more effectively in regards to professional mixing. Indeed, several works showed that under certain conditions, the central elements of a representation could be sensitive to information coming to contradict them.To make a success of the professional mixing between the women and men in the general managerial function of companies requires so much on behalf of the government policy, a that of the human resources, strong actions raising stakes in the elimination of stereotypes and demolition of the social role assigned to the woman since millenniums.

http://www.theses.fr/2015AGUY0846/document

Éditeur(s) : HAL CCSD Elsevier
Résumé : International audience
Pyrethroid insecticides are widely used in agriculture and in homes. Despite the neurotoxicity of these insecticides at high doses, few studies have examined whether lower-level exposures could adversely affect children's neurodevelopment. The PELAGIE cohort included 3421 pregnant women from Brittany, France between 2002 and 2006. When their children reached their sixth birthday, 428 mothers from the cohort were randomly selected, successfully contacted and found eligible. A total of 287 (67%) mothers agreed to participate with their children in the neuropsychological follow-up. Two cognitive domains were assessed by the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children: verbal comprehension and working memory. Five pyrethroid and two organophosphate insecticide metabolites were measured in maternal and child first-void urine samples collected between 6 and 19 gestational weeks and at 6 years of age, respectively. Linear regression models were used to estimate associations between cognitive scores and urinary pyrethroid metabolite concentrations, adjusting for organophosphate metabolite concentrations and potential confounders. Maternal prenatal pyrethroid metabolite concentrations were not consistently associated with any children's cognitive scores. By contrast, childhood 3-PBA and cis-DBCA concentrations were both negatively associated with verbal comprehension scores (P-trend = 0.04 and P-trend < 0.01, respectively) and with working memory scores (P-trend = 0.05 and P-trend < 0.01, respectively). No associations were observed for the three other childhood pyrethroid metabolite concentrations (4-F-3-PBA, cis-DCCA, and trans-DCCA). Low-level childhood exposures to deltamethrin (as cis-DBCA is its principal and selective metabolite), in particular, and to pyrethroid insecticides, in general (as reflected in levels of the 3-PBA metabolite) may negatively affect neurocognitive development by 6 years of age. Whatever their etiology, these cognitive deficits may be of importance educationally, because cognitive impairments in children interfere with learning and social development. Potential causes that can be prevented are of paramount public health importance
ISSN: 0160-4120

hal-01162374
https://hal-univ-rennes1.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01162374
https://hal-univ-rennes1.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01162374/document
https://hal-univ-rennes1.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01162374/file/Pyrethroid%20insecticide%20exposure.pdf
DOI : 10.1016/j.envint.2015.05.009

Résumé : L’historiographie antillaise n’a donné jusqu’ici qu’une vision tronquée de la société martiniquaise. L’appréhension de l’ère coloniale s’est très tôt autocentrée sur l’économie plantationnaire sucrière à moteur externe, mais cette dernière n’a guère occupée plus de la moitié de la population de l’île au XVIIIe et dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle. Pour une grande majorité, la masse laborieuse libre ou esclave se répartit entre les villes et les exploitations de type « secondaire ». A mesure de l’appréhension de l’univers caféier, un monde à part se profile dessinant une nouvelle catégorie sociale divergente de l’élite sucrière qui apparaissait jusqu’ici comme le modèle représentatif de la population blanche propriétaire terrienne. Une catégorie intermédiaire est mise en place mettant en relief un groupe caféier économiquement faible au mode de vie difficile, présentant des comportements matrimoniaux endogames aussi bien spatialement que socialement. Cette analyse révèle un corps social pluriel dans lequel les femmes, les libres de couleur, et avec l’abolition de l’esclavage les nouveaux libres tiennent une place de choix. Ce travail a l’avantage de combler un important vide historiographique en matière d’histoire sociale de la Martinique, ainsi que de renouveler le concept de société d’habitation à travers la mise en perspective d’une catégorie sociale jusque-là restée inaperçue.
The historiography of the Antilles to date has yielded only a limited vision of society in Martinique. The scientific works of the Colonial Era were egocentrically focused on the economy of sugar plantations, but this only covered a little over half of the population of the island in the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth century. The other half of the working population, whether they were free or slaves, was divided between cities and secondary enterprises. As the coffee industry took root, a separate world emerged, diverging from the elite sugar plantation owners that represented the land-owning white population. This parallel society of economically disadvantaged small farmers and coffee growers, living a hard-working, difficult lifestyle, exhibited endogamous marriage behavior. This analysis highlights a multi-faceted social body in which women, free people of color, and, with the abolition of slavery, the new free hold a special role. On the other side of the barrier, the slaves also have a unique profile, they operate in small plantations on which opportunities for advancement are greater than in the large sugarcane plantations. This work fills an important gap in the social history of Martinique, as it reexamines the perception of the elite sugar plantation society via the perspective of a social class hitherto unnoticed.

http://www.theses.fr/2014AGUY0724